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Full text of "Naval biography, or, The history and lives of distinguished characters in the British Navy, from the earliest period of history to the present time"

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' Harding fc 













VOL. I. 



S. Gosncll, Printer, 
Li tie Queen Street. 

Printed by T. Bens/ey, Bolt Court, Fleet Street, London. 


THE hiftory of the Britifti navy is beft learned in the 
lives of the Britifli naval heroes. The biographer fepa- 
rates the individual from the refl of his clafs, examines 
his motives, appreciates his means, and compares his im- 
pediments. The hiftory of the age and of the event fur- 
nifh documents, and fupply the very materials for this 
talk; but in hiftory, the relations are given on a fcale too 
expanfive for minutenefs, and the figures are combined 
in maffes too grand to admit of any, except, perhaps, the 
moft prominent, being feledled as the peculiar objecl: 
of contemplation. In remote periods where the at- 
tainment of certainty is often difficult, if not impoffible, 
it muft neceflarily occur, from the nature of the times, 
and the various occupations of thofe who then affumed 
the direction of naval exploits, that the life of an admi- 
ral will contain .but a fmall portion of maritime adven- 
ture, while the remainder of his tranfacYions relate to tlu 
land fervice, the cabinet, the tribunal, or even the church. 
In the more early ages, even this fcanty information is 
not attainable ; if we occafionally rind a record of the 
exploits of a fleet, we are left in total ignorance of the 
name and character of the admiral. It will therefore be 
neceflary firft to 'ketch a brief outline of the naval hiftory 
of Britain from its eftablifhment, and for fome time after- 
B wards 



wards to give the lives of fuch illuftrious men as have 
diftinguifhed themfelves on the ocean, connecting by 
means of their names the progreflive feries of naval 
events, even though not immediately tranfacted by the 
individuals themfelves. 

In a work profeffedly biographical, the refearch of the 
antiquarian may be confidered in fome degree unnecef- 
fary, but as the lives of illuftrious mariners form a diftin- 
guilhed feature in the national hiftory of great Britain, 
it cannot be improper to trace the hiftory of that naval 
force which now aftonifhes and rules the world, to its 
earlieft authenticated origin. In this attempt it is not 
intended to afcend into thofe regions of obfcurity where 
hiftory is fo intermixed with fable as to render difcrimina- 
tion impoilible, and reduce a feries of laborious deduc- 
tions to nothing more than a happy conjecture : it is not 
intended to difcufs whether the aborigines of Britain pof- 
feffed fleets, by which they maintained an extenfive com- 
merce, and difputed in arms the fovereignty of the ocean : 
it is merely defigned to fix the firft national eftablifliment 
of a navy, and proceeding from that point, with as little 
interruption as the nature of events, and the obfcurity of 
records will allow, trace the grand bads of Briti fh glory, 
the great bulwark of Britifli profperity, from the firft mo- 
ment of its known exiftence, to its prefent ftate of ftrength 
and pre-eminence. 

E'-en in objects of minute importance the name of 
founder* is contemplated with a degree of enthufiaftic ve- 
neration, but when every beneficial eftablifhment, every 
grand national endowment, combine to give celebrity to 
one individual, how great muft be his eftimation, ho\t 
tranfcendant his glory ! With what rapture muft he be 



regarded by his country, with what honours muft his 
name be crowned ! With all thefe fentiments, hailing 
him at once as the parent of their conftitution, their 
commerce, their envied liberty, and its beft guardian, 
their invincible navy, Britons repeat the name of 

This monarch, to whom even the envy of foreigners 
has not denied the name of Great, came to his throne 
at a period of unexampled diftrefs. His fubjedts drained 
by rapacious invaders, feared by repeated cruelties, 
and rendered liftlefs by continued exactions, feemed to 
have abandoned all ; even the thought of felf-preferva- 
tion had left them, and they awaited in ftupid indif- 
ference the mandate of authority, or the impulfe of ra- 
pacity, which fhould extinguifh their name by difperfion, 
flavery, or extermination. To fubjec"ls fo difpirited it 
was the tafk of Alfred to give animation ; to unite them 
in the bonds of mutual confidence ; and fan the feeble 
fpark of languid felf-love into the brilliant flame of pa- 
triotifm, and the genial ardour of liberty. In all thefe 
objects he fucceeded, though not without encountering 
difficulties, fu flaming reverfes, and exercifing talents and 
virtues commenfurate to the magnitude of his object. 
He defeated and expelled the Danifh invaders ; vindicated 
the rights of his people, and reftored them to that fhte 
which is the real glory of a Briton, that of being fubjedt 
to none but their fovereign and the law. 

Senfible that without adequate fecurity to individuals, 
the progrefs of fcience and legiflation, both of which he 
fmcerely wimed to eftablifh, would be but flow, and in- 
eflfe&ual, Alfred meditated the beft means of fecuring 
his dominions from foreign invafion. The luxuriancy 
B 2 of 


of the foil, the riches of the inhabitants, and the facility 
of approach, had hitherto drawn over fvvarms of free- 
booters, who diftinguiflied their fteps by cruelty and 
rapacity, who fpread terror by murder and fire, and 
whofc object was to retreat with their plunder, or to 
found their authority in the kingdom on the reduced and 
miferable (late of the natives. Againft fuch a foe the- 
.Englifh monarch faw that the march of armies was vain : 
they were not ambitious of honour acquired in the mock 
of battle ; they would not flay to difpute their acquiii- 
tions in the field, and even if they were overtaken and 
defeated, victory could not replace what rapine had de- 
ftroyed, or reanimate thofe whom cruelty ha<l deprived 

Alfred determined therefore to protect his kingdom by 
a FLEET, a project worthy of his wifdom, and executed 
with his ufual judgment and iuccefs. 

Confciousof the weaknefs attending on infancy, he was 
anxious to give the navy of which he was parent all the 
advantages which could be derived from unufualftrength, 
and novelty of conftruction. His learning, and the con- 
ftant encouragement he gave to men of fcience, added to 
the refources of his own vigorous mind, furnifhed the 
means of effecting this defirable object. He foon faw 
himfelf matter of a fleet of mips, larger, fwifter, and 
more eafily managed than thofe of his adverfaries : they 
were built of feafoned materials, and manned with the 
moft expert feamen, both Englifh and foreign, that could 
be (Stained. The Danes, long practifed in naval expe- 
ditions, were confounded and aftonifhed at feeing them- 
felves oppofed, on an element where they had hitherto 
confidered themfelves fecure, by an enemy who had but 



recently become formidable on land. They faw with 
furprife their fleets defeated by English fquadrons not 
exceding half or a third of their numbers, and they were 
reduced to a ftate of helplefs non-refiftanceby the conftruc- 
tion of the vefTels. They were fo formed as to prevent board- 
ing or grappling ; if the enemy had the advantage of the 
wind, the Englifli recovered their fituation by means of 
oars, for their fhips partook of the conftruclion of gal- 
lies ; the men on board fought with vigour, and exempt 
from fear, becaufe the height of the veflTels rendered them, 
inacceflible ; they bore down with irrefiftible impetu- 
ollty, and having made fome wholefome examples of re- 
taliation on their barbarous foes by refufmg quarter, 
fucceeded in infpiring fear abroad, and fecuring fafety 
at home. 

Convinced by experience of the utility and importance 
of his new plan, Alfred fought to give it extenfion and 
liability. He augmented the number of his fhips, pro- 
vided them with warlike engines and able feamen, and 
Rationed them all round his kingdom, fo that not only 
the Danes, but pirates of every defcription, were taught 
to fear the Britifh flag, and numbers paid with their lives 
for the temerity of oppolition. Once only, in the year 
893, the Danes under Haflings, a fuccefsful free-booter, 
ventured to try the fortune of an invafion. They came 
with a fleet of three hundred and thirty fail, effected a 
landing, and met with a temporary fuccefs. But the civil 
effoblifhments formed by Alfred were fo excellent, and 
his vigilance fo great, that their total defeat and ruin 
feemed certain. The king himfelf pieparcd to attack 
them, but the Danes fettled in Eaft Anglia and Nor- 
thumberland, encouraged by the prefence of their coun- 
B 3 try men. 


trvmen, rofe, and embarking on board two hundred and 
forty veffcls, appeared before Exeter. Alfred wifely 
judging that it was of the greateffc importance firfl to fub- 
due thefe rebels, whofe fuccefs might have emboldened 
others, marched fuddenly into the weft of England, and 
falling on them before th,ey were aware, purfued them 
to their fleet with great daughter. They next failed to 
Suflex, but were there repelled by the inhabitants, and 
forced to return with difcomfitureand lofs to their ihips ; 
fome of which were taken, and the Danifti rebels effec- 
tually deterred from profecuting any further enter- 

While the king was abfent in the we it, Haftings ad- 
vanced into the country, and committed great depreda- 
tions ; but the army left in London, being joined by 
fome of the citizens, attacked him in his intrench- 
ments at Bamfieet, and defeated him with great daughter. 
When Alfred returned from his expedition he was 
greeted with the news of this fuccefs, and Hallings's 
wife and two fons were delivered up prifoners to him, 
Thefe he generoufly fpared, and made their reftitution the 
price of Haftings's quitting the kingdom. 

A party of Danes ftill remained, who, being unwilling 
to retire without booty, feized and fortified Shobury at 
the mouth of the Thames, and marched to Boddington 
in Gloucefterfhire, where they intrenched themfelves. 
The king furrounded them wit,h his whole force, deter- 
mined not to rifque the lives of his men in battle, but ra- 
ther by means of famine reduce the enemy to fubmifiion. 
They remained thus pent up till they were compelled for 
fubiiftei;ce to devour their own horfcs, when they refolvecj 
to fell their lives as dearly as poflible, or effect their re- 



fcafe. They accordingly made a fally, and though the 
greater part of them were cut to pieces, the few who ef- 
caped did fome mifchief in the kingdom. They attacked 
Leicefter with fuccels, defended themfelves in Hertford, 
and then fled to Quatford, where they were finally bro- 
ken and fubdued. A few of them joined Sigefert, a 
Northumbrian free-booter, who being acquainted with 
Alfred's naval tactics, built fome veffels larger than 
thofe in the royal fleet; but the king built others fiill 
higher, longer, and more fwift, with which he attacked 
Sigefert, took twenty of his (hips, and having tried the 
crews at Winchefter, caufed them all to be hung as pi- 
rates, the common enemies of mankind. 

Alfred the Great pafled the remainder of his reign in 
peace, ever attentive to the eftabli/hment of that wife 
fyftem of jurifprudence which to him owes its being, 
anxious for the extenfion of commerce, and the progrefs 
of ufeful difcoveries, and particularly felicitous for the 
welfare of the navy, upon which all elfe muft ultimately 
depend. No prince was ever more abundantly or more 
juftly venerated. In his character were united the hero, 
the ftatefman, the fcholar, the philofopher, and the 

Edward the elder, Athelftan, Edmund, Edred, and 
Edvvy, the fucceflbrs of Alfred, were not inattentive to 
the navy, which continued to increafe during their 
reigns, and was of great fervice in repelling the inva- 
fions of the Danes, Scots, and Irifh, and in oppofing the 
infurgent Danes fettled in Northumberland, and other 

Edgar, who afcended the throne at a very early age, 

about the year 959> was next after Alfred furnamed the 

B 4 Great. 


Great. Approaching the radiance of that confpicuous 
Briti/h luminary, his title fhines with diminiflied bright- 
nefs, but upon companion with moft other monarchs 
to whom it has been attributed, Edgar will net be found 
deficient in claims to that diftindtion. He took great de- 
light in maritime affairs, and augmented the Britifli 
navy to an unexampled number. The fabulous genius 
of that age has (hewn itfelf in an unwonted degree of 
exaggeration on this point. Some authors ftate his na- 
val armament to have confifted of three thoufand 
fix hundred fhips of war, fome fay four thoufand, 
and others carry it to four thoufand eight hun- 
dred; but thefe accounts are utterly incredible, and 
probability is more confulted by thofe who eftimate 
it at lefs than a thoufand, which is dill a moft formida- 
ble force, and juftiries the obfervation by which the other 
accounts are conftantly accompanied, that his fleet was 
more powerful than thofe of all the other European 
princes put together. If it were to be fuppofed that 
Edgar equipped four thoufand and eight hundred (hips, 
it would follow that, exclufive of foldiers who might be 
embarked on board for particular expeditions, the num- 
ber of feamen conftantly employed in rowing and na- 
vigating the grand fleet would amount to more than a 
hundred thoufand men, allowing only twenty- one men 
to each fhip, which is lefs than the full complement: 
but fuch a number of feamen could not by any means 
be fupported in thofe days, nor perhaps could they at 
any iuhfeque:-,t period have been employed in one fmgle 
fervice, without injury and ruin to all the reft. 

His fleet, whatever might be its force, was divided 
into three fquad<-ons, one of which was conftantly fta- 
tioned on the eaft, another on the weft, and a third on 



the north coaft of the ifland, and every year, after Eafter, 
the king patting from one of thefe fquadrons to the 
other made a complete circuit of his dominions, and 
looked into every creek and bay, not only on the Eng- 
lifli but on the Scottish coaft, in Ireland, and the He- 
brides. Thus by conftantly ihewing a formidable front, 
prepared for war, he maintained his dominions in peace ; 
the Danes were convinced that to invade the territories 
of fo acYive a monarch, was a hopelefs attempt ; and 
thofe who were refident in England prudently refolvcd 
not to incur the penalties of an infurreclion which pro- 
mifed neither honour nor advantage. Once only Edgar's 
reign was difcnaieted by the turbulence of the Welch, 
who committed fome ravages in his dominions. He at- 
tacked them with vigour, and permitted his foldiers to 
retaliate on them by plundering the borders of Wales ; 
but when he faw that the prefence of diftrefs had brought 
the delinquents to a proper fenfe of their error, accom- 
panied with contrition, the generous monarch com- 
manded reftitution to be made of the property which 
had been taken from them ; thus fubduing their ftub- 
born minds no lefs by lenity than by military force. 

Yet Edgar maintained tenacioufly the dignity of hi? 
throne. He once held his court at Chefter, where all 
his feudatory princes, eight in number, being afTembled 
to do him homage, he made them enter a barge, and, 
fitting four on each fide, row him on the river Dee, 
while he fleered. Thus they proceeded to the monaftery 
of Saint John, where they took their oaths of fealty. 
Among thefe princes were Kenneth III. king of Scot- 
land ; Malcolm, king of Northumberland ; and Mac- 



cufius, king of Man ; the remaining five were petty 
kings of the Britons. 

If profperity could give a claim to the epithet Great, 
Edgar's title was undifputed. He was uncommonly 
fortunate during a reign of fixteen years ; aggrandized his 
realm; maintained his fubjecls in peace and happinefs ; 
promoted civilization by the feafonable encouragement 
afforded to foreigners ; and advanced the influence of 
true piety by reftraining and reforming the clergy: 
truly GREAT could he have reftrained his own paffions, 
which, befides fomevvhat more of pride than becomes a 
hero, betrayed him, in the courfe of his amours, into 
cruelty, weaknefs, and injuftice. 

Edward, fon of Edgar, was but a child when he fuc- 
ceeded to the throne; he reigned only three years, and 
acquired the title of the martyr, from the tragical cir- 
cumftance of his being murdered by command of his 
flep-mother Elfrida, in the year 978. 

Elfrida committed this crime for the purpofe of giv- 
ing the throne to her own fon Ethelred, who, coming 
to the fovereign dignity in fo inaufpicious a manner, 
feemed to give immediate promife of verifying thole dif- 
mal prophecies which fuperftition had made re-fpe&ing 
him in his earlieft years *. In the third year of his 
reign, the Englifhcoaft was infulted, and Southampton 
plundered by a Danifh fquadron confifting of no more 
than fcven (hips, and in a few years after they ravaged 
and defolated the coaft. Ethelred, governed by his 

* Minxit namque cum baptizaretur, in fncro fonte. Unde vir domini 
ex termini um Anglorum in temj>ore ejus futurum predbdt. Hen. Hxir.t, 
L. IV. Cul. Malmf. L. II. c. jo, 



wicked mother, and fvvayexl by pufillanimous counfels, 
endeavoured to bribe the invaders by a fubiidy often 
thoufand pounds, which gave rife to the infamous and 
oppreffive tax called Danegeld. The Danes, like wild 
beads, who grow more favag.e and ferocious when once 
they have tailed blood, inftead of de rifting from their 
ravages, renewed them from year to year with greater 
violence, and uninterrupted fuccefs. The feeble Ethel- 
.red, who, from his extreme vveaknefs, had acquired the 
furname of the Unready, oppofed to thefe barbarians no 
other arms than fupplication, and exhaulled his fubjecls 
by repeated taxes to gratify the increailng avarice of the 

Driven to defpair by repeated outrage, Ethelred, by 
the advice of the great council of the nation, at laft had 
recourfe to that meafure which ought to have fuggefted 
itfelf at firft : inftead of raifmg money to bribe the 
Danes, he applied the fame fums in the equipment of a 
fleet to oppofe them. But a king who is weak enough 
to neglect his own honour, feldom finds thofe whom he 
employs fufficiently honeft or difmterefted to keep that 
of the public good invariably in view. Ethelred was 
betrayed by his fervants. The Danes with a confuler- 
able fleet approached the eaflern coaft, jn the year 991. 
A great naval force having been railed, it was refolved 
to furround and deftroy the Danes ; but this plan was 
fruflrated by that confpicuous traitor Alfric, duke of 
Mercia, who not only apprized the enemy of their dan- 
ger, and thus enabled them to avoid it, but, in the heat 
of the a&ion, deferted and joined them v/ith the fquadron 
under his command. Ethelred, in revenge, put out the 
eyes of Alfnc'sfon; but this was a mere ebullition of 



rage, unattended with any beneficial confequences, for 
fuch was the power of the Earl of Mercia, that, not- 
withftanding his treafon, he returned to court ; and fuch 
was the weaknefs of the king, that though he muft have 
been confcious Alfric could never forgive the injury done 
to his fon, he was conftrained again to employ him in 
offices of high truft, and was again a vidlim to his 

In 993, Unlaff, a famous pirate, invaded the kingdom, 
and with a fleet of ninety-three {hips failed up the river 
to Staines, wafting the country on both fides the 
Thames. From Staines he returned to Kent, where 
Ethelred fent an army to oppofe them ; but the army 
was defeated, and the general flain. 

From this period, to the year 1013, England was con- 
tinually a prey to thefe barbarous invaders, who ravaged 
all parts of the country, committing the grcateft vio- 
lences, and extorting immenfe fums, which were oc- 
cafionally the price of a fhort-lived truce, but fome- 
times did not procure even that alleviation of mifery. 
In this crifis, Ethelred, inftead of the legitimate arms of 
a fovereign, had recourfe to the bafe artifices of an af- 
faffin. In the year 1002, he iniligated his fubje&s to 
a general maflacre of the Danes, which took place in all 
parts of the kingdom on the thirteenth of November, 
being Saint Brice's day. The king not only authorized 
but participated in thefe fanguinary excefies, in which 
neither fex nor age was fpared, and which extended not 
only to the invading Danes, but to thofe who had been 
long fettled in the ifland. This outrage could not 
pafs unrevenged : the Danes poured a new fprce 
into the kingdom, and the Englifli, deprived of their 



bell protection, a fleet, exhaufted by frequent exac- 
tions, and their fpirits broken by unavailing oppofition, 
began at length to fubmit, and fwear fealty to Sweyn, 
king of Denmark. Ethelred, who had only the policy 
refulting from cowardice, fled for refuge to the court of 
Richard duke of Normandy, whofe fitter he had ef 

Sweyn was prevented by death from enjoying the 
fruits of his conqueft, and the Englifh nobility, ftill 
retaining an aftedlion for their native fovereign, invited 
him to refume the throne he had abandoned. He re- 
turned to England in 1014 ; but misfortune had not 
taught him wifdom, or infpired courage, prudence, or 
moderation. He ftill diftinguifhed himfelf by preferring 
traitors, and difgraced his reign by murder and rapacity. 
The Danes, under Canute, renewed their invafions 
with their accuftomed fuccefs, and Edric, the king's 
fon-in-law, who had fucceedcd Alfric in the govern- 
ment of Mercia, and the command of the army, by his 
repeated treafons deftroyed all the hopes derived from the 
intrepidity of prince Edmond. 

Ethelred, after an inglorious reign protracted to the 
period of thirty-five years, died at London, while his fon 
Edmond was preparing to engage the enemy. This 
prince, who poflefTed many virtues, and from his extra- 
ordinary valour and ftrength was furnamed Ironilde, 
found his affairs in fo defperate a ftate, that foon after 
his acceflion he "was forced to confent to a partition of 
the kingdom with Canute, and was, in a month after- 
wards, murdered at Oxford by his own chamberlains. 

Thus in little more than a century after the death of 
the founder of the Britifh navy, and in forty years after 



the deceafe of Edgar, who had carried it to its greatefl 
poffihle extent, their fucceffor loft the kingdom by neg- 
le&ing that only fafe, and never-failing defence, a fu- 
periority at fea. 

The period of the Danifli ufurpation affords no in- 
terefting traits of the Britiih naval hiflory. The Saxon 
line was, for a fhort interval, restored in the perfon of 
Edward the Confeffbr, who fucceeded to the throne in 
1041. The Danes, being then diftradted by civil com- 
motions at home, had neither the power to prevent his 
coronation, nor to trouble the quiet of the kingdom. 
Edward appears to have had a due fenfe of the import- 
ance of a navy, by his eftablifhing and incorporating 
the cinque ports, for the purpofe of obtaining a confbnt 
fupply of Ihips and men ; but his character was weak, 
and his reign was rendered uneafy by domeftic troubles, 
originating in the too great power of his nobles, and in 
his own difpofition to afford too much encouragement 
to foreigners. Earl Godwin, a moft powerful baron, 
father to the queen, oppofed him with fuccefs ; and 
though the earl and his fons were at one time baniflied, 
they returned with a fleet procured in foreign countries, 
and Edward having imprudently difmifled his failors, 
they took from him all his fhips, and compelled him to 
re-admit them to their former rank and honours. 

Edward was fucceeded, in 1066, by Harold, fon of 
earl Godwin; William, duke of Normandy, early de- 
clared himfelf a competitor for the throne, and, to weak- 
en Harold as much as pofiible, excited againfl him 
Tofti, his own brother, who joining Harold Harfagar, 
king of Norway, invaded England with three hundred 
ihips. The king fitted out a fleet to oppofe them, and 
i marched 


marched with his army into the north, where the ene- 
my had intrenched themfelves. He attacked them with 
fpirit, and entirely defeated their army (25th Septem- 
ber, 1066); Tofti and Harfagar were flain in the conteft. 
His fleet was no lefs fuccefsful at fea ; his admiral de- 
feated the Norwegians, and Olaf, fon of Harfagar, was 
glad to compound for his fafety by quitting the kingdom 
with the reiidue of his forces in a few vefTels, leaving an 
immenfe booty which they had acquired, and the re- 
mainder of the fleet to the king of England. 

But, alas ! how ftiort-fighted is mortal man, and how 
little capable of estimating juftly the events of life ! This 
illuftrious fuccefs was the immediate caufe of Harold's 
ruin. The obftinate conteft with the enemy had weak- 
ened his force by the lofs of many men and fome of his 
beft officers, and he had offended the army by his in- 
juftice in taking all the fpoils to himfelf. Before Ha- 
rold had time to rejoice in his victory, he received in- 
formation that William with a formidable army had 
landed at Pevenfey in Suflex. 

The Norman invader, confcious that his fleet could 
not oppofe the navy of Harold, burned it as foon as he 
had difembarked his troops (28th September, 1066 ). 
He fortified himfelf as well as he could on fhore, and 
proceeded into the country. Harold eafily perfuaded the 
nobles to forget their refentment, and attend only to 
the public danger. His army was foon recruited in 
numbers, but enfeebled by fevere fervice and want of 
reft. Urged by his impetuous and martial fpirit, and 
ftimulated by the apprehenfion of dangers which muft 
arife from delay, Harold, contrary to the advice of his 
moft able counfellors, proceeded without lofs of time i a 



purfuit of the enemy. The pretenfions of thcfe rivals 
were decided, the 1 4th of Oiloher, by the fatal battle of 
Haftings, in which Harold and two of his brothers, 
Gurth and Leofwin, were {lain, befides an immenfe num- 
ber of nobles and private men, amounting, according to 
fome accounts, to feventy thoufand. Three of Harold's 
fons were fortunate enough to fecure and carry off the 
fleet ; but though they were enabled to give fome dif- 
turbance to the Conqueror, they could not wreft from 
his powerful grafp the kingdom he had acquired. 

Thus England faw a new race feated in the regal 
chair. They felt the intrufion with fullen indignation - r 
but weakened by their long ftruggle againft the Danes, 
divided between the intereits of contending claimants, 
and opprefled by the ftrong and tenacious hand of Wil- 
liam, they were unable to effel their deliverance from 
his fway. The efforts made by Harold's fons were, 
however, fuch as induced William to provide a fleet 
for the defence of the realm ; but it appears that neither 
he ncr his fucccflbrs, William Rufus, Henry I. or Ste- 
phen, took plcafure in augmenting the navy, or relied 
on it either as a means of defence or conqueft. 

Henry II. was a brave and wife prince, and feems to 
have had a proper judgment of the importance of a fleet, 
by the naval preparations which, early in his reign, he 
made againft the Welch who infeftcd his realm, and 
for the conqueft of the earldom of Thouloufe. But in 
his reign the naval ftrength of Great Britain was never 
carried to its greateft height, becaufc the kingdom was 
not in danger of being attacked. The princes of Europe 
v/ere engaged in the crufades, undertaken for recovery 
of the holy land from the infidels, and fo great a portion 



of their force and nttention being thus diverted into ano- 
ther channel, prevented them from injuring each other. 
Henry, however, found means to invade and conquer 
the kingdom of Ireland, which he kept in fubjedion 
by conftantly maintaining a fleet of four hundred fail, 
with which he threatened, at a moment, to land an 
army in that kingdom. His naval fuperiority was alfo 
of great ufe in reftraining the efforts of his undutiful 
fons, who broke out in rebellion againft their parent; and 
once, in 1175, nis ^ on Henry gave him battle at fea, 
but was defeated. When in the latter part of his reign 
this great monarch was obliged to wage war againft his 
rebellious fons on (hore, he was overcome, and com- 
pelled to accept fuch terms as the infulting victors 
thought fit to impofe. 

Richard I. furnamed Coeur de Lion, the fucceflbr of 
Henry, early and earneftly engaged in the holy wars. 
He had before the death of his father formed an alliance 
with Philip II. king of France, in confequence of which 
they bound themfelves by oath to attempt the delivery 
of the holy land. Richard, immediately after his coro- 
nation, collected a large army, and equipped a fleet of 
one hundred and fifty fhips of war, and about fifty gal- 
lies, befides eight or nine capital fhips of extraordinary 
fize ; a force which greatly exceeded any that the other 
princes had aflembled, and which, infpiredby the valour, 
and aided by the judgment, of Richard not only for- 
warded the grand objects of the expedition, but was the 
true fource of that rcfpedt which has been ever fmce 
paid to the Britifli flag. 

The regulations which king Richard eftablifhed for 

the prefervation of peace and difcipline were wife and 

C prudent, 


prudent, and exhibited, perhaps, the origin of fonle 
modes of punifhing and fKgmatifmg delinquents which 
are ftill in practice. The man who killed another on 
mip-board was to be tied to the dead body and thrown: 
into the fea. The drawing a knife or weapon to kill 
another, or wounding him to the drawing of blood, 
was punimed by cutting off' the offender's hand ; but if 
no blood followed, he was to be plunged three times in 
the fea. Contumelious, or opprobrious words, reviling, 
or curfmg, were punimed by the forfeiture of an ounce 
of filver for each offence. A thief was doomed to have 
his head morn, hot pitch poured on it, and feathers or 
down thrown upon the pitch ; the felon thus marked 
with infamy was to be fet afhore at the firfl landing 

Richard and Philip having had an interview in France, 
completed their treaties, and received the homage and 
oaths of fealty of their refpedtive fubje&s, agreed to ren- 
dezvous at Meffina. The progrefs of the Englifh king 
to this place was delayed by florins and other accidents ; 
but, at length, he arrived the 2Oth of September, 1 190. 
At Meflina Richard found occafion to exert his prowefs 
with advantage and honour. The king of Sicily having 
treated him with difrefpedr., and expelled all the Englifh 
from his capital on account of fome unimportant difpute, 
Richard, in the night of the 4th of October, aflaulted and 
took the city. He compelled the king to pay him forty 
thoufand ounces of gold, to which he had an ancient 
claim, to furnim four large galleons, and fifteen gallies, 
for the ufe of the crufaders, and give his daughter in 
marriage to Arthur, duke of Bretagne, Richard's ne- 

8 In 


' in adjufting thefe difputes the winter was confumed, 
and the Englifh did not proceed in their expedition till 
April 1191, when Richard was joined by his mother, 
and Berengaria, princefs of Navarre, his affianced wife. 
In the courfe of this voyage Richard Was reduced to 
great diflrefs by a tempeft ; fome of his veflels were 
ftranded in the ifland of Cyprus, the king of which, 
whofe name was Ifaac, refufed admiffion into his ports 
even to the fhip on board of which was Richard's bride. 
Not content with this, he feized and plundered thofc 
unfortunate Englifhmen whom fhipwreck had compel- 
led to land on his fhores. Enraged at this unworthy 
treatment, Coeur de Lion difembarked his whole force, 
and in a few days, after a refolute engagement at fea, and 
another by land, conquered the ifland, took three caftles, 
made the tyrant and his daughter prifoners, and poffefled 
himfelf of all their treafures. At Cyprus Richard con- 
fummated his marriage, and having received the homage 
of the principal nobles, eftablifhed two of his followers, 
Richard de Camvill, and Robert de Turnham, gover- 
nors of the ifland. The king he fent prifoner to Tri- 
poli, but kept his daughter to carry with him to Palef- 

The conquefts Richard had made augmented his fleet 
to two hundred and fifty-four flout fhips. In his paf- 
fage from Cyprus to Acre, in the month of June, he 
met a veflel belonging to the Saracens, of fuch im- 
me'nfe fize, that (he refembled a caftle floating on the 
wares. This huge carrack, or galeafs, was bound for 
Acre, and had fifteen hundred foldiers on board in- 
tended for the relief of the garrifon. The fize of this 
ftupendous veflel, or the apparent impoflibility of aflfail- 
C 2 inz 


ing it with effect, did not deter or intimidate the ardent 
foul of Richard. He fucceeded in boarding and cap- 
turing her ; and as the {hips which compofed his fleet 
were not capable of receiving many prifoners, he was 
obliged to drown thirteen hundred men ; the remainder, 
being perfons of diftin&ion, he carried with him. 

Saladin, the valiant and generous fultan of Egypt, one 
of the moft acccomplifhed princes of the age, defended 
his paternal dominions againft the invaders. He was a 
fuitable opponent to Coeur de Lion, and their feats, per- 
formed in the true fpirit of chivalry, have fpread their 
mutual renown, embelliftied the annals of hiftory, and 
formed no inconfiderable refources for amplifying the 
pages of fi&ion ; but of thefe it is not in our province to 

The importance of Acre was fo great that many at- 
tempts were made to relieve it, and although it was 
blockaded at fea by the Englifh, the Infidels refolyed to 
refcue the poft if poffible. They approached with a 
powerful fleet, but the Engliih bore down upon them 
with fuch a vigour and refolution as fpeedily decided the 
fi&ory, and enabled them to capture the greater part of 
the enemy's fhips. They found on board great ftore 
ei ammunition and provifions, a large quantity of grap- 
pling irons, and among other preparations for the de- 
' ItrudYion of the Britifh fleet, a number of veflels replete 
withanunextinguifhable combuflible competition called 
ignis gr&cus, and others filled with living ferpents, nei- 
ther of whichthe enemy had time to ufe, fo alert and 
tnafterly was the attack. 

In July Acre was furrendered by Saladin to his great 
competitor Richard, who was then conftituted captain 



general of all the chriftian forces in Afia. His prowefs 
was flill difplayed to the utmoft advantage ; but while it 
begat admiration and generous refpet in his adverfaries, 
it engendered envy and malignity in the bofoms of his 
aflbciates. The king of France retired from Paleftine, 
leaving ten thoufand men under the duke of Burgundy, 
to whom in public he gave orders to pay implicit obedi- 
ence to Richard, though there is good reafon to fuppofe 
his fecret inflru&ions were widely different. Through 
the treachery and coldnefs of the allies, the object of the 
expedition could not be completed in that year, and the 
dukes of Auftria and Burgundy took advantage of this 
circumftance to defert the expedition, drawing off all 
their forces. Thus Richard, after having performed the 
moft ftupendous and important exploits, after having 
feen Jerufalem, and beheld the enemy flying on all fides 
before the terror of his name, was fubje&ed to the ne- 
ceffity of concluding a truce with Saladin for three years, 
three months, three weeks, and three days, and returning 
to his own dominions. A circumftance took place at 
the conclufion of this compact too charadlariftic to be 
omitted. Richard told the fultan that at the end of the 
truce he would return, and once more endeavour to re- 
cover the holy land from him. Saladin anfwered, that 
if it muft be his fate to lofe a part of his dominions, he 
had rather it fhould be to Richard than to any other 
prince whomfoever. 

The generous fentiments which animated the bofom 
of an infidel monarch, againft whom Richard had 
waged war, did not extend their influence to the chrif- 
tian potentates in alliance with him. When the truce 
was agreed on, and the urgency of his affairs compelled 
C 3 hini 


him to quit the holy land, he had the misfortune to be 
Shipwrecked. Knowing the meannefs and malice of his 
rivals, he affumed the difguife of a pilgrim ; or, as fome 
?ffert, of a merchant ; and travelled through Germany j 
but, being difcovered, he was made captive by the duke 
ofAuftria, thrown into a dungeon, and, for a time, hid 
from the world, which he was born to ornament. He 
\vas afterwards compelled to undergo an infulting exami- 
nation before the diet of Worms, and to pay an enor- 
mous ranfom for his liberty. Richard returned no 
jnore to Paleftine, nor had he any further occafion to 
/hew his prowefs at fea. He found his kingdom in a 
ftate of difcordand confufion, which required all his at-r 
tention ; and he felt bound in honour to avenge the in- 
juries he had fuftained from Philip of France. This 
engaged him in a long defultory war, in the courfe of 
which he received from an ignoble hand a mortal wound, 
and terminated his glorious career the 6th of April, 
1 199, in the forty-firfl year of his age, and the tenth of 
his reign. 

From this period the Naval Hiftory may be traced 
through the commanders of fleets and veflels ; and there- 
fore, according to the plan on which this work has been 
undertaken, the memoirs of thofe illuftrious men will 
be given in fuch a feries, as to impart a copious and mi- 
nutc knowledge of all the grand naval tranfacYions of 
Great Britain, whether tending to enlarge the empire by 
difcoyeries, or to fupport it by warlike achievements, 




(Surnamed Longefpee, or Longfword) 

LONGSWORD was natural fon of king 
Henry II. by the celebrated Rofamond Clifford, better 
known by the name of fair Rofamond. He obtained 
the title of earl of Salisbury by marrying Ela, the only- 
child and heirefs of William, earl of Salifbury, whom he 
received from the hand of his royal relative, Richard I. 
together with the titles which her father had poflefled. 

In the reign of king John, Longfword was diftin- 
guillied with thofe marks of favour which became his 
rank and royal extraction. He was nine years flieriffof 
Wilts, and afterwards constituted warden of the marches 
of Wales. 

Richard I. whofe reign was too ihort for the nation's 
welfare, though amply fufficient to procure him a death- 
lefs reputation, beftovved great care and attention on the 
augmentation and improvement of the navy. He fup- 
ported the ports and havens throughout the king- 
dom, and afforded fuch encouragement to feamen, that 
great numbers reforted from other nations to man his 

C 4 John, 


John, whatever might be his vices, and how great 
foever his imprudence in other refpe&s, was not unmind- 
ful of the importance of the fleet. Early in his reign (in the 
year -i 202) he published a fpirited edict, importing that if 
the commander or governor of the king's navy fhoulden-r 
counter on the high feas any (hips or veflels of a foreign 
nation, the matters of which refufed to ftrike to theBritifh 
flag, they were to he attacked, and if captured, deemed, 
lawful prize, even though it fhould appear that the ftates 
to which they belonged were at amity or in alliance with 
England ; and the perfons found on board fuch veflels 
were to be punimed with imprifonment at difcretion, as 
a due chaftifement for their rebellion. This refolutc 
claim of naval fuperiority, and jealous enforcement of 
fubmiffion, rendered the fituation of chief commander of 
the fleet; which was beftowed on the earl of Salifbury, a 
poft of unufual importance, demanding great courage 
and ability, and infuring great refpect. 

During the conteft which prevailed between king 
John and the Barons, Longfword adhered with unfhaken 
loyalty to his royal relative, and his exertions were fa 
highly refented, that he was ftigmatifed as one of the 
king's evil counfellors. 

Philip king of France, the treacherous enemy of 
Coeur de Lion, and who had encouraged John in acts of 
rebellion againft him while he was abfent in Paleftine, 
now that John had obtained the crown of England, 
ihewed himfelf no lefs adverfe to him than he had before 
been to his brother. Under pretence of fupporting the 
claim of prince Arthur, John's nephew, who in fa& had 
a juft title to the crown, Philip prepared a mighty army 
for the purpofe of wrefting Normandy fiom the Englifh 



.monarch. The diflenfions which prevailed in England 
gave hii every advantage, and he obtained feveral pro- 
vinces belonging to the Britifh crown. In 1205 the 
king equipped a fleet, but was prevented from ufing it 
by the remonftrances of the archbiftiop of Canterbury 
and the earl of Pembroke. In i ao6 he raifed a great 
army, which, as well as the fleet, was commanded by the 
earl of Salifbury. The province of Poitou was recover- 
ed, and there was every reafon to expe6l that ftill greater 
exploits would be performed, when Philip, who was not 
prepared to withftand the Engliih monarch, prevailed on, 
him to make a truce for two years. 

John was involved in perpetual difputes with the pope, 
who, at length, excommunicated, and finally, in 1213, 
depofed him, and gave his kingdom to Philip. But John f 
who w;s apprehenfive of this meafure, had put his army 
and navy in fuch a formidable ftate as to keep the enemy 
at bay. As a pretence for this armament, he had in the 
preceding year landed in Ireland with a large army, and 
enforced the homage of the kings of that country. 

The fleet thus equipped proved of the greateft fervice 
to him in the prefent exigency. When he learned that 
Philip was making mighty preparations to invade Eng- 
land, he exerted himfelf with fo much effect, that al- 
though the French king had colledled an immenfe fleet, 
amounting, according to fome accounts, to feventeen 
hundred fail, John's was ftill ftronger, and he had an 
army of fixty thoufand men. In 1$:, he collected fo great 
a force both by fea and land, that he could not maintain 
it, but was obliged to difband a confiderable number of 
ihips and troops. Yet while he lay under the papal in- 
terdiction, John could not depend- on the fidelity of his 



fubje&s, and therefore, on the I2th May, 1213, was 
compelled to make fubmifllon, and even J^fign his 
crown into the hands of the pope's legate, and do ho- 
mage for his kingdom. Longfword was an unwilling 
witnefs of this difgraceful, though neceflary a6t, which 
at once induced the pope to reverfe his bull, and reftove 
to John his dominions. 

If the king's loyal adherents were the de- 
gradation of their fovereign, Philip was no lefs incenfed 
at lofmg the prize he had flattered himfelf he fhould ul- 
timately obtain from John's obftinacy. He declared that 
he would not obey the papal injunction to defift from his 
enterprize, and called a council of his princes and nobles, 
whom he endeavoured to engage by oath to adhere to him 
notwithftanding the cenfures of the pope. They all 
feemed inclined to comply, except the earl of Flanders, 
who had concluded an alliance with John. He not only 
refufed to fhare in the expedition, but reproached Philip 
for his bafencfs in thus taking advantage of another fove- 
rcign's misfortunes. The French king, indignant at 
this freedom of remonflrance, turned his vengeance 
againft the earl of Flanders, and directed his fleets to 
fail to his coafls, whilfl he marched an army to afiail 
him by land. 

John, feeing a prince thys attacked by an enemy of 
fuperior force on his account, acted as honour directed. 
He difpatched a fleet of five hundred fail, under the earl 
of Salifbury, who, though inferior in force, refolved to 
attack the French fleet, which he found at anchor in the 
port of Dam, in Flanders. He performed this impor- 
tant fervice with the greateft intrepidity and fuccefs, tak- 
jpg three hundred fhips and deftroying a hundred more : 


and Philip, finding it impoflible to prevent the reft from 
falling into the hands of the Englifh, fet fire to them 
himfelf, thus deftroyingthe principal means by which he 
hoped to carry his enterprize into execution. 

Elated by this fuccefs, John raifed a powerful army, 
refolved to attempt recovering thofe provinces which the 
king of France had taken from him. Longfword was 
one of the chief commanders, and his experienced va- 
Jour and judgment fhewed that he was worthy of fo im- 
portant a truft. His fortune was not fo good by land as 
at fea ; for having formed a plan for taking Philip pri- 
foner by furprife on Sunday, the feaft day of St. Mar- 
garet, he was himfelf made prifoner, with all his aflbci- 
ates, in the daring enterprize. Propofals were made for 
reftoring the earl to liberty, by exchanging him for Ro- 
bert, fonof the earl of Dreux, a near relation of the 
king of France ; but Longfword himfelf, from the moft 
generous and patriotic motives, oppofed this proportion. 
He wrote to the archbifhop of Canterbury and princi- 
pal nobles, reprefenting the danger of fuch an exchange, 
as the power the king of England retained over fo near 
a relation of Philip was the only caufe which reftrained 
him from wreaking his vengeance on thofe who had op- 
pofed him, and whom the fatal battle of Bouvines had 
lain at his mercy. He intimated, that if fuch an ex- 
change were concluded, the king of France would put 
the earl of Boulogne to death, and keep the earl of Flan- 
ders in perpetual imprifonment. 

John had no\v concluded a truce with the French 
monarch, and Longfword foon obtained his liberty, but 
on what terms we are not clearly informed. The king's 
abfence from England had given leifure to the barons to 
oncett meafures againft him, and at his return he found 



they had reduced their demands to writing, and prepared 
to fupport them by force of arms. After an ineffectual 
oppofition, he was obliged to concede the points which 
they infifted on, and on the I5th June, 1215, exe- 
cuted that famous inftrument which, from its great 
importance in fecuring the liberties and privileges 
of Englishmen, is commonly denominated MAG.NA 

Longfword, who witnefied the flgning of Magna 
Charta, was incenfed at the king's efforts to coun- 
teract its beneficial tendency, and to annul what he 
had ib folemnly ianctioned. The barons, indignant at 
his perfidy, prepared again to oppofe him in arms-, 
and the earl of Salisbury, for the firft time, aban- 
doned the caufe of the monarch, and fided with the mal- 
contents. By the confent of the affociated barons, 
Lewis, fon of Philip king of France, was invited over 
to take the government of England ; but juft after he 
had invaded the country with a formidable force, king 
John died at Newark, the lythof October 1216, not 
without ftrong fufpicion of being poifoned. 

The caufes which induced the barons to take up 
arms related merely to points in difpute between them- 
felves and the king ; they had no inclination to divert 
the courfe of fucceffion and feat a foreigner on the 
throne. The conduct of John had driven them to the 
fatal expedient of calling in foreign aid to diminifh the 
horrors of civil war, by giving to their caufe the defired 
preponderance ; but when with John their fears expired, 
and they obtained information of the treacherous and 
cruel defigns of Lewis, they, without hgfita,tion, carried 



their allegiance to the lawful heir, did homage to Henry, 
though then an infant, and prepared all their forces to 
expel Lewis from the realm. The earl of Saliflbury was 
among the firft who evinced thefe patriotic difpolitions : 
he was received with kindnefs, and, jointly with the 
carl of Pembroke, intrufted with the command of an 
army deftined to raife the fiege of Lincoln. This im- 
portant fervice was performed with valour and fuccefs ; 
the French were foon expelled the kingdom, and Long- 
f word was diftinguiflied byfeveral new honowrs and marks 
of favour. 

He next made a voyage to the Holy Land, and wa$ 
prefent at the battle of Damietta, where the Chriftians 
were worfted. On his return, in 1 223, he was employ- 
ed in reducing the Welili to fubjedlion, and in 1224, 
he went to Gafcony, and befieged the caflles of thofe 
who refufed homage and fealty to king Henry. 

In returning from this expedition he was overtaken 
at fea by a violent tempeft, which gave rife to the fol- 
lowing narrative of a miraculous interpofition, fo con- 
fident with the genius of that age, that it is given in the 
very words of an ancient author. " There arofe fo 
" great a temped at fea, that, defpairing of life, he 
*' threw his money and rich apparel overboard. But 
" when all hopes were paft, they difcerned a mighty ta- 
" per of wax, burning bright at the prow of the ihip, 
*' and a beautiful woman ftanding by it, who preferv- 
" ed it from wind and rain, fo that it gave a clear and 
" bright luftre. Upon fight of which heavenly vifion 
" both h'unfelf and the mariners concluded of their future 
" fecurity ; but every one there being ignorant what 
" this vilion might portend, except this earl, he attri- 
41 buted it to the benignity of the Blefifed Virgin ; by 

" rcafon, 


* reafon, that upon the day when he was honoured witti 
** the girdle of knighthood, he brought a taper to her 
*' altar, to be lighted every day at mafs in honour of 
" her, when the canonical hours ufed to be fung, and 
" to the intent, that for this terreftrial light, he might 
" enjoy that which is eternal." 

The danger to which Longfword was expofed was fo 
great, that his death was generally believed, and reported 
to the king. On hearing this news, Hubert de Burgh, 
who was then in high favour, folicited that a kinf- 
man of his own, named Raymond, might be permitted 
to make his addreffes to the countefs of Salifbury. The 
king confented, but Ela, virtuous in mind, and conftant 
in affection, repulfed her new fuitor with difdain- 

After encountering great difficulties, the earl landed 
in Cornwall, and fpeedily prefented himfelf before the 
king at Marlborough, complaining of the infult offered 
to his family by Hubert, and affirming that he had fentan 
unworthy fuitor to his wife, who had audacioufly folicited 
her chaftity. Hubert did not deny the charge, but 
fought to appeafe the complainant by conceffions and large 
prefents. He effected a reconciliation, and invited 
Longfword to a feaft, where it was ftrongly fufpedted 
he was poifoned : he immediately became very ill, and 
went to his caftle at Salifbury, where fending for the 
bifhop, he behaved in fuch a manner as fhewed he was 
delirious. He continued in this ftate at intervals for fe- 
veral days, and at length expired the loth of March 
1226. He left large eftates and fums of money to 
charitable and pious ufes ; and his widow, refolutely refuf- 
ing all offers of marriage, enjoyed her hereditary honours 
till death. 


( 3 1 ) 



HUBERT DE BURGH was a collateral defcandant of 
William Fitz-Aldeleme, itevvard toHenry II. who was ad- 
vanced by that monarch to confiderable dignities, and de- 
puted to manage his affairs in Ireland. Hubert was employ- 
ed by Richard I. and John in feveral important negocia- 
tions ; in the reign of John he attained progreflively to 
various exalted and confidential ports: he was warden of 
the marches of Wales, fenefchal of Poitou, and filled 
the office of fheriff in feveral counties. He was alfo 
employed in feveral emballies and foreign negotiations, 
and was appointed one of the commiffioners on the part 
of the king, to fettle the terms upon which Magna Charta 
was executed at Runny mede. He gave fo much fatif- 
fa&ion in this arduous affair, that the king, upon the 
fpot, appointed him chief judiciary of England; in ten 
days afterwards he was conftituted fheriff of Kent and 
Surry, governor of the caftle of Canterbury, and in five 
days more, conftable of Dover caftle. He was advanced 
to feveral other polls of henour and profit, and when 
the barons again declared themfelves in opposition to the 
king, he was appointed a commiffioner to treat with the 
earl of Clare, and others authorized by them, at the 
church of Erith, in Kent. 

The negotiation proving ineffectual, Hubert repaired 
to Dover cattle, and though it was flightly garrifoned, 
having only a hundred and forty foldiers belides his own 



fervants, he refolvcd to defend it to the lad extremity. 
The caftle was befieged by Lewis, but the defence wa3 
fo effe&ual, and the French prince loft fo many men, 
that he judged it expedient to draw off his army and en- 
gines of aflault to a greater diftance. When king John 
was dead, Lewis defired a parley with the conftable. He 
rernonftrated, that now the king was no more, Hubert's 
allegiance had ceafed, and he might, without impro- 
priety, furrender the caftle ; and he promifed in that cafe 
to enrich him, to load him with honours, and to advance 
him to be the chief of his council. De Burgh was nei- 
ther to be terrified nor feduced ; he anfwered, that though 
the king his mafter was dead, he had left both fons and 
daughters who ought to fucceed him. To prevent all 
fufpicion, he declined giving a further anfwer till he had 
confulted with the garrifon, and the refult of their de- 
liberation Was a refolute refufal to incur the guilt of 
treafon. Chagrined and difappointed at this anfwer, 
Lewis left Dover to befiege other caftles lefs capable of 
refiftance, or lets honourably defended. 

The acquisition of Dover caftle at this time would, in 
all probability, have placed Lewis inexpugnably in pof- 
feflion of the whole kingdom of England, fince a fleet 
had been difpatched by Philip, his father, containing fuc- 
cours for him to profecute his enterprizes. Hubert hav- 
ing received intelligence of this circumftance, refolved 
to prevent the landing of the troops. He collecled 
aU the force of the cinque ports, and put to fea for the 
yurpofe of intercepting them. He met with the French 
fleet, confiding of eighty large fliips, befides fmaller 
veflels, the 24th of Auguft, 1 1 1 /; and, although his force 
confjfted but of forty (hips, refolved to give them battle. 



The inferiority of his fquadron did not permit him to at- 
tack the enemy in the ufual manner, but he tacked 
about, and, getting to windward, bore down upon them 
and funk feveral fhips by running againft them with 
the iron prows or beaks with which the Engliih veflels 
were conducted. The decided fuperiority of the En- 
glifh archers alfo contributed much to the victory, and 
the effect of their valour was incieafed by a ftratagem. 
which produced the mofl fortunate confequences. Each 
fhip was provided with a quantity of quick lime in 
powder, and when they were to windward of the French, 
and near enough for this fcheme to take effect, they threw it 
in the air, fo that it was blown into the enemies' eyes, and 
blinded them. The victory was complete; the few 
French who could efcape bore away for Sandwich, and 
when they arrived burned the town, but they were not 
fufficiently numerous to carry an effectual re-inforce- 
ment to their prince. This fuccefsful naval exploit 
ruined his affairs : he was forced to fhut himfelf up in 
London, where he was befieged by the army, while the 
fleet under Hubert's command blocked up the mouth of 
the Thames. Thus ftraitened, and in a manner 
furrounded, Lewis faw the inutility of further efforts 
towards the conqueft of England, and therefore made a 
compact with the barons, by which he agreed to quit 
the realm, and renounced all his pretended rights to the 

Among other captives taken in the fea fight was 
Euftace, furnamed Le Moyne, an apoftate monk, who, 
having thrown off his frock, had for many years infefted 
the feas as a pirate ; he fold his fervices in the time of 
war, fometimes to one prince, and fometimes to another, 
D and 


and, to ufe the expreffion of an ancient annalift, " of a 
wicked monk became a very devil, full of fraud and 
mifchief." Him de Burgh refolved to bring to punifh- 
ment according to the laws of nations: the pirate offered a 
large fum of money for his ranfom, but Hubert was 
inexorable, he delivered him over to the executioner ; 
his head was {truck off, and, being fixed on a pole, car- 
ried in triumph over great part of England. 

The important fervices rendered by de Burgh 
greatly raifed his reputation, and he was gratified with 
feveral valuable and important gifts, efpecially fome large 
manorial domains, which were given him in right of 
his third wife, Ifabel, countefs of Gloucester. On the 
death of William Marifchall, earl of Pembroke, in 
1319, he was made governor of the king and kingdom, 
in conjunction with Peter de Rupibus, or des Roches, bi- 
fhop of Winchefler. 

This exalted fituation, which he filled with judgment, 
integrity, and refoltition, expanded his views of ambition ; 
he was accufed of great pride, and faid to carry himfelf 
higher than any nobleman of England : this difpofition 
received an additional impulfe from his marriage with 
Margaret, fitter to the king of Scotland. But what- 
ever imputations might be fuggeftcd againft his haughti- 
nefs, or his avarice, of which he was alfo accufed, no- 
thing could be alledged againft his loyalty : he ferved the 
king with fidelity and fpirit, and incurred every rifque 
in oppofing the foes of the fovereign. He was princi- 
pally engaged in fubduing the earl of Albemarle, a re- 
bellious noble, who had collected in the north a band of 
refolute outlaws, whom he protected in robbery, 
-and every fpecies of crime. He fortified himfelf in 



Biham caftle, deriding alike the civil force and eccle- 
fiailical excommunication. At length, Hubert having 
feized Rockingham caftle, one of Albemarle's ftrong 
holds, an army was levied to difpoflefs him of Biham 
alfo; Snd, being deferted by his aflociates, he was at 
length reduced to fue for mercy, and had his eftates re- 

About the fame period, Hubert fhevved his courage 
and loyalty in fupprefling an infurre6lion which broke 
out in London, and, though it arofe from a trifling caufe, 
portended important confequences. A wreftling match 
had taken place, in which the Londoners were matched 
againft the inhabitants of Weftminfter and the neigh- 
bouring villages. This gave rife to a tumult, in con- 
fequence of which the Londoners rofe in a body, and 
pulled down fome houfes belonging to the abbot of 
Weftminfter. Efforts were made to give this popular 
commotion a more dangerous direction. Many of the 
citizens were known to be in the French intereft, and 
the cry of the French foldiers, Montjoye ! Montjoye ! 
God help us, and our lord Lewis ! refounded through 
the flreets. One Conftantine Fitz-Arnulf was found 
to be a ringleader in this infurre<5tion ; and de Burgh 
having fummoned him to anfvver for his conduct, he 
avowed and juftified it. Incenfed at this audacity, Hu- 
bert ordered him to be proceeded againft by martial law ; 
and he was hanged without trial or form of procefs. A 
feeble clamour was raifed againft this proceeding, as an 
infringement on the great charter; but the nature of 
the crime, the ftate of the realm, and the fatal confe- 
quences which muft refult from fuch a tumult in the 
D 2 capital, 


capital, remaining unpumfhed, mull be admitted to fonit 
a fufficient juftitication. 

Although Hubert was accufed of pride, and was, iii 
fad}, fufficiently tenacious of all the marks of refpect due 
to his rank, he was not defirous of retaining a dignity 
which did not belong to him. Perfuaded that he could 
only preferve the royal prerogatives, which the mifcon- 
du6l of John, the minority of Henry, and the turbu- 
lence of the barons, had reduced to a miferably low ebb, 
by refigning the government into the king's own hands, 
he applied to the pope, and obtained a bull, enabling 
Henry to affume the reins of ftate, though he was only 
fixteen years of age. Having obtained the papal fanc- 
tion, in 1224, Hubert refigned into his royal matter's 
hands all his caftles, and particularly thofe important for- 
trefles, the tower of London and Dover cattle. The 
other barons were fummoned to do the fame, but re- 
fufed, and even formed a confpiracy to furprife the city 
of London. They found, however, that, through the 
vigilance of Hubert, the king was prepared for them, 
and therefore defifted from the enterptize, and excufed 
their appearing in arms, by denouncing their opponent 
as a traitor, whom they were determined to remove from 
his office of jufticiary. 

From this period a refolute party was formed againft 
de Burgh, but for a time they cpuld make no impref- 
fions to his difadvantage. On the contrary, Henry, on 
the uth of February, 1227, created him earl of Kent, 
and, befides many valuable manorial demefnes and ad- 
yowfons, which he beftowed on him, confirmed to him 
his offices of jufticiary of England, and conflable of Do- 
i vcr 


ver cafUe, for life. He was alfo, as warden of the 
marches, employed in fupprefiing an infurre&ion in 
Wales, and began to build a caftle in Montgomeryfhire ; 
but his workmen met with fuch confbnt annoyances 
and impediments from the natives, that he was obliged 
to leave the building unfinifhcd, which was, for that rea- 
fon, called Hubert's Folly. 

In return for thefe favours, the earl of Kent was con- 
flantly attentive to his fovereign's Sntereft ; and, befides 
raifmg large fupplies for thofe who adventured to the 
holy land, he enabled the king to gratify his inclination 
in making voyages to the continent, for the purpofe of 
recovering his hereditary dominions from the king of 
France. Thefe expeditions refembled warfare in a 
flight degree, but were more in the fpirit of mere pa- 
rade, as no important enterprises were achieved, or even 
undertaken. On one of thefe occasions Hubert is faid 
to have provided the king with thirty large caiks of 
fpecie to defray his expences. 

The mifemployment of fuch vaft fums, in an age 
when gold and filver did not fo much abound as at pre- 
fent, frequently reduced the king to a Mate of need, and, 
as de Burgh's extenfive poffeflions and prudent economy 
had made him very rich, this circumflance was by his 
enemies enforced to his prejudice. Henry was a weak 
prince, and his reign, the longed recorded in the Britifh 
annals, affords no fubjeft of contemplation gratifying 
to the mind of an Englifhman. Philip being dead, 
Lewis, who fucceeded to the crown of France, made 
frem inroads in the provinces belonging to the EnglHh 
monarch ; Henry refolved to make fome effectual at- 
tempts for recovering his continental dominions. His 
D 3 views 


views were well feconded by parliament, who enabled 
him to raife a great military force, confifting of Englifh, 
Welch, Scots, and Irifli. They had a rendezvous at 
Portfmouth, in 1230; but no attention having been paid 
to the navy, a fleet to convey them to Normandy was 
not found. Henry imputed the fault to Hubert, and, 
having already been prejudiced againft him, grew en- 
tirely outrageous. He called him an old traitor ; faid, 
he had received a bribe of five thoufand marks from the 
queen of France to fruftrate the expedition ; and, draw- 
ing his fword, would have killed him on the fpot but for 
the interpofition of the nobles. He difmifled him, how- 
ever, from the office of jufticiary ; and Hubert, fearing 
worfe confequences, was obliged to avoid the king's 
prefence till his rage had fubfided. 

The bifhop of Winchefter, a native of Poitou, was 
one of Hubert's principal enemies, and he availed him- 
felf of the advantage to be derived from the king's abfurd 
predilection for foreigners. The efforts of de Burgh's 
adverfaries, however, were not immediately attended with 
fuccefs; the king reftored him to his office of jufticiary, 
and, having in the next year made preparations for an, 
expedition to Normandy, defifted by his advice, and 
turned his forces againft Gafcony and Poitou, where 
he was well received. 

The earl of Kent, for fbme fhort time after, continued 
to receive frelh marks of the royal favour : but at length 
the influence of his enemies entirely prevailed, and the 
king's indignation was exerted againft him with a vio- 
lence and pertinacity proportioned to his former kindnefs. 
In 1231 he difplaced him entirely from the office of 
jufticiary, and took from him the cuftody of all the royal 



caftles, including the tower of London, and Dover 
caftle. An account was required of large fums of 
money received during the life-time of king John, and 
during Henry's minority ; and feveral other accounts 
were demanded, fo perplexing and multifarious, that the 
obvious intent was to render a precife anfwer impoffible. 
To the demand of an account relative to the money he- 
longing to John, Hubert pleaded, that that monarch had 
granted him a general charter of releafe; but to this the 
bifhop of Winchester replied, that fuch a charter could 
only avail him in the life of king John, but could not 
bar his fucceflbr. 

Hubert's other enemies, feeing the extent to which 
the king's anger was carried, now prefled forward with 
more grievous accufations. He was charged with hav- 
ing endeavoured underhand to prevent the king's mar- 
riage with the duke of Auftria's daughter; with having 
corruptly diffuaded the king from making an expedi- 
tion into Normandy; with having lived in fornication 
with his prefent wife, the daughter of the king of Scot- 
land, who had been committed to his guardianfhip, and 
afterwards marrying her, in hopes of obtaining the 
crown of Scotland, if her brother mould die without 
iffue. To thefe were added a ridiculous accufation of his 
having ftolen from the royal treafure a jewel, which had 
fuch virtue, that it rendered the wearer invulnerable in 
battle, and fent it to the king's enemy, Leoline, prince 
of Wales. He was further charged with having, by 
means of traitorous letters, caufed Leoline to put to 
death William de Braofe, a nobleman of illuftrious 
family, who was hanged as a thief. 

Upon thefe ftrange accufations, the eaii of Kent was 
D 4 put 


put into prlfon; he craving time to anfwer, was indulged 
with a releafe from his confinement. 

But new accufations continued to be daily prefented 
againft him. He was charged with having poifoned 
Longfword earl of Salifbury, William Marifchall earl 
of Pembroke, Faleafe de Breant, and Richard archbiihop 
of Canterbury. It was alfo alledged that he obtained his 
afcendancy over the king by enchantments and forcery. 
Even his celebrated naval vitory in the beginning of the 
reign furniihed grounds of accufation: he was reproach- 
ed with having taken from the mariners the captives 
they had made, and turned their ranfom to his own pro- 
fit. Numerous complaints were preferred againft him 
for rapacity and extortion, and the citizens of London 
did not omit fo fair an opportunity of being revenged on 
Hubert for the execution of the rebel Conftantine , they 
brought it forward as an article of accufation againft 

In this miferable (late Hubert was abandoned by every 
one except the archbifhop of Dublin, who remained 
his friend in all extremities. The king, with his ufual 
weaknefs, countenanced the popular delufion, by ifluing 
a proclamation, that whoever had any caufe of complaint 
againft him fhould be heard. 

Defpairing, in the prefent (late of the public mind, 
and while the king was thus incenfed, of obtaining an 
equitable trial, de Burgh fled for refuge to Merton 
abbey, and refufed to quit that fan&uary. The king 
commanded the mayor of London to fend all citizens 
who could bear arms to befiege the abbey, and bring him 
thence dead or alive. The hope of feeing a perfon, 
whom they hated without caufe, murdered by the rab- 


ble, made both the king and the bifliop of Winchef- 
ter, now prime minifter, infenftble of the danger of per- 
mitting twenty thoufand of the licentious citizens of 
London to afiemble in arms. But the earl of Chefter 
and bifliop of Cbichefter made fuch remonftrances that 
the king recalled his orders. 

The archbiihop of Dublin at length prevailed with the 
king to grant Hubert time to anfwer the complaints 
ailedged aga'mft him, with permiffion to go to St. Ed- 
mund's Bury to fee his wife. He refided for fome time 
in a town in Effex, in the neighbourhood of Saint Ed- 
mund's Bury, belonging to the bifhop of Norwich ; but 
the feeble-minded king was foon influenced by his evil 
counfellors to feel alarmed left in this fituation he fhould 
excite an infurreclion, and he fent Sir Godfrey de Craw- 
cumbe, knight, with three hundred foldiers, charging 
him, upon peril of his life, to bring the earl of Kent pri- 
foner, and lodge him in the tower of London. Thefe 
commands were punctually executed, and not without 
confiderable brutality. The unfortunate object of per- 
fecution was kneeling at the altar, with the hoft in one 
hand, and the crucifix in the other, when the foldiers 
rufhed in, and fnatching from him the facred fymbols, 
bound him with cords, and fent for a fmith to make fet- 
ters for his legs. 

This order gave rife to one of thofe pathetic in- 
ftances of fenfibility, in an individual of the lower 
clafs, which are always recorded and perufed with plea- 
fure. When the fmith received inftrucYions to make 
fetters, he inquired for whofe legs ? Being anfwered, 
' For the legs of Hubert de Burgh, a fugitive, and con- 

' vidted 


" vi&ed perfon," the honeft man, with a deep figh, re~ 
plied, " Do what you pleafe with me ; God have mercy 
" on my foul : I will rather fuffer death than put fet- 
*' ters on him. Is not this that faithful and ftout Hu- 
" bert, who hath often preferved England from rain by 
" aliens ; who hath ferved fo faithfully and conftantly 
*' in Gafcony, Normandy, and other places, in the time 
" of king John, fo that he was fometimes neceflitated to 
*' eat horfeflefli, his enemies admiring his conflancy ? 
"Who for a long time kept Dover, the keyofEng- 
*' land, againft the king of France, and all his power ? 
" Who fubdued our enemies at lea ? What fhall I fay of 
" his noble exploits at Lincoln, and Bedford ? God be 
** judge betwixt him and yon, for thus inhumanly 
" dealing with him, recompenfing to him evil for good, 
" and the worft rewards for his beft deferts." 

This pathetic appeal was attended with no efFedl : 
Hubert was carried to London, with his feet tied under 
the hoi fe's body, and lodged in the tower. He was re- 
claimed by the clergy, who were very tenacious of the 
fights of fancluary, and being replaced in the chapel, 
the fherifrs of Effex and Hertfordshire were commanded 
to blockade the place and ftarve him out. 

While they were thus employed, the archbifhop of 
Dublin again ventured to folicit in his behalf, and it 
foon became obvious that avarice was the chief fpring of 
the king's conduct in this fevere perfecution. He gave 
Hubert his choice, either to abjure the realm for ever, 
to fubmit to perpetual imprifonment, or publicly ac- 
knowledge himfelf a traitor. If he had fubmitted to per- 
petual imprifonment, he would mod probably have* 



been murdered, and by either of the other two alter- 
natives he would have left his property at the difpofal 
of the king. He offered to quit the kingdom, but 
would not confent to abjure it ; but this propofal was 
not accepted. 

At length Henry having heard that he had depofitecj 
a'great treafure in the new Teinp'.e, Lender., endea- 
voured to obtain pofleffion of it. The Templars refufed 
to give it up without Hubert's confent ; but the Ling 
having put him in fetters in the tower, he at length 
figned an order for the delivery of his property. The 
booty thus acquired was very valuable, and de Burgh's 
enemies urged the amount as a motive for the king to 
have him executed as a traitor ; but Henry, whofe ends, 
were now anfvvered, under pretence of gratitude for his 
former fervices, refufed to liflen to thefe fuggeflions, and 
fet him at liberty. 

Still Hubert's property continued an irrefiitible temp- 
tation to the avarice of the king. He was ever ready 
by terror and imprifonment to deprive him of parts of 
it, and his life was often in extreme danger through the 
malice of his enemies, tiir at length the unfortunate 
victim of perfecution, by facrificing foine of his mofl va- 
luable demefnes, obtained a general pardon, and free li- 
cenfe to enjoy the remainder. 

Having thus tranquillifed thofe ftorms which fo long 
threatened his exiftence, the earl of Kent, though he re- 
covered a great (hare of the king's confidence, never 
fhewed any inclination to reinftate himfelf in power and 
authority, but devoted his days to piety, and founded and 
endowed many charitable and religious houfes. He died 
in November 1243. 



Hubert de Burgh was the moft able and virtuous minif- 
ter Henry ever poffefled. He was fteady to the crown 
in the moft difficult and dangerous times, yet fhewed no 
difpofition to opprefs the people. While he was at the 
head of adminiftration, great care was taken or com- 
merce, and, as far as he could dire6t, confiderable atten- 
tion paid to the navy. From the period of his removal 
the fleet declined to fuch a degree, that the coafts of Eng- 
land were infefted by pirates, who carried their depreda- 
tions to an alarming extent ; they were with great diffi- 
culty reprefled, and that rather by conceffion than by 


THE family of Tibetot, Tiptot, or TiptofF, for the 
name is fpelled in all thefe various ways, is traced no 
higher than the reign of John, when Walter de Tibe- 
tot, for adhering to the king's enemies, was deprived of 
a confiderable eftate in Leicefterfhire. In the enfuing 
reign amends were made for this privation, by befknv- 
ing on Walter's heir a large property in the counties of 
York and Lincoln. 

To thefe eftates Robert fuccecded, and, having diftin- 
guifhedhimfelf by his valour, while he attended prince 
Edward, afterwards king of England, in the holy land, 



was rewarded by being made governor of Nottingham 
and Porchefler caftles. 

Edward I furnamed Longflianks, at the period of Hen- 
ry's death, was abfent in Paleftine. Difgufted at the 
feeblenefs and want of judgment which diftinguilhed his 
father's government, he indulged his propenfity to he- 
roic exploits in that region, which was deemed the pro- 
per fphere for the difplay of Chriftian valour. Though 
accompanied only by an infignificant force, he diftin- 
guifhed himfelf ib much, and performed fuch fplendid 
acliievements, that he was conlidered the life of the 
Chriftian caufe, and marked out for the peculiar ven- 
geance of the Saracens. Defpairing of fuccefs againft 
him in the field, they employed an aflaffin to deprive 
him of life ; but this attempt was frullrated by Edward's 
ftrength, fpirit, and prefence of mind. 

Although, in that age, primogeniture or even heredi- 
tary fucceffion were little regarded, fuch was the effect 
of Edward's reputation among his brave fubje<ts, that 
his claim to the crown was generally acknowledged, and 
no one appeared as a competitor. He did not arrive in 
his kingdom till the 25th of July 1274; and the barons, 
though they had given fo much uneafmefs to his father, 
ieemed anxious to teftify their efteem for him by a ready 
and refpe&ful obedience. 

Edward, though diiVmguimed for his conduct in war, 
was felicitous to maintain his kingdom in peace ; but he 
could not avoid engaging in hostilities with Llewellin, 
prince of Wales, whofe dominions he aflailed with a 
large army, and ravaged the coafts with a confiderable 
fleet. In a ihoit time he reduced Llewellin to the ne- 
ceflity of making peace on very difadvantageous terms. 



Tiptoffwas one of the commiflioners appointed by Ed- 
ward in negociating this treaty, which took place in 
1277. He conducted himfelf in this affair fo much 
to the king's fatisfadhon, that he was rewarded w;'h fe- 
veral lucrative employments and advantageous charters, 
and was made juitice of South Wales, and governor of 
the caftles df Caermarthen and Cardigan. 

The peace Concluded between Edward and the Welch 
was not of long duration. A new war broke out, which 
in 1284 ended in the deftrution of the Welch monar- 
chy, the maflacre of the bards, and the appointment of 
Edward's fecond fon to the principality of Wales. This 
fon becoming afterwards heir to the crown by the death 
of his elder brother, the title of prince of Wales has 
been ever fince retained by the heirs apparent of the 
Englifli throne. 

The enfuing years of Edward's reign were employed 
in the wars againft Scotland, in which Tiptoff does not 
appear to have taken any {hare. He was fully employ- 
ed in reftraining "the turbulence of the Welfh, who 
being but recently fubdued, could ill fuppovt a foreign 
government. TiptofFwas the king's lieutenant in Wales, 
and in the year 1292 encountered Rees ap Meredith, 
one of the native princes of the country, killed four 
thoufand of his followers in battle, and taking Rees 
prifoner, fent him to York, where he was beheaded. 

The fuccefsful incroachinents of the kings of France 
on the continental property of the Er^lifli fovereigns, 
during the two lafl reigns, had reduced it fo much, that 
Edward considered it the moll prudent policy to remain 
at peace with that kingdom, and before he arrived in 
England from the holy land, he had done homage to 



the French king at Paris, for the territories held by him 
in that country. But at length a war became inevitable 
from the perfidy and injuftice of the Gallic monarch. 
The origin of this war was a quarrel between fome En- 
glifli and Norman failors. The circumstances are in 
themfelves fo curious, and ihew fo forcibly the date of 
princes and fubjets in thofe times, that they are given 
without variation in the words of an ancient annalift*. 

" In the year 1293 a fatal contention happened be- 
tween the Englifh feamen of the cinque ports and the 
mariners of the French king in Normandy, which began 
thus : an Englifh (hip putting into a Norman port, re- 
mained there fome days : while they lay at anchor, two 
of the crew went to get frefh water at a place not far 
diftant from the fhorc, where they were infulted by 
fome Normans of their own profeffion ; fo that coming 
from words to blows, one of the Englifh men was 
killed, and the other flying to the {hip, related what 
had happened to his fellow fnilors, informing them 
that the Normans were at his heels. Upon this they 
hoifted fail, and put to fea ; and though the Normans 
followed them, they neverthelefs efcaped, but with 
fome difficulty : whereupon the inhabitants of the 
Englifb ports fought amftance from their neighbours; 
and the enemy, on the other hand, retaining ftill the 
fame difpofition, increafed their ftrength daily, and 
chafed all Englifii {hips. In thefe excurfions, having 
had the fortune to meet fix, and to take two Engliih 
veflels, they killed the failors, hung up their bodies at 
the yard-arm, with as many dogs ; failing in this man- 

* Walter tie HemingfoiJ, Hifloriatk ubusgcflis EJouardi I. vol. i. p. 39. 

6 ner 


ner for fome time on their coafts, and fignifying to all 
the world thereby, that they made no Tort of difference 
between an Englishman and a dog. 

" This, when it came to the ears of the inhabitants 
of the Englifh ports, by the relation of thofe that ef- 
caped, provoked them to take the belt meafures they 
could to revenge fofignal an affront ; and having in vain 
cruized at fea, in order to find out the enemy, they en- 
tered the port of Swyn, and having killed and drowned 
abundance of men, carried away fix uYips ; many acts 
of a like nature fucceeding this oil both fides. At 
laft, weaned by this piratical war, they, by meffengera 
who paffed between them, fixed a certain day to decide 
this difpute with their whole ftrength : this day was the 
fourteenth of April, and a large empty fhip was fixed in 
the middle, between the coafls of England and Nor-' 
mandy, to mark the place of engagement. The Eng- 
lilli (who were on that day commanded by Tiptoff) pro- 
cured fome aid from Ireland, Holland, and other places - t 
and the Normans dre-.v to their affiftance the French, Fle- 
mings, and Genoefe. At the appointed day both parties 
met, full of refolution ; and as their minds boiled with 
rage, fo a like fpirit feemed to agitate the elements : ftorms 
of fnow and hail, and boifterous gufts of wind, were the 
-preludes of an obdinate battle ; in which at length 
,God gave the victory to us ; many thoufands being 
flain, befides thofe who were drowned in a large num- 
ber of fhips which perifhed ; the victorious Englirti 
tarrying off t'A-o hundred and forty fail, and with thefe 
they returned home. 

*.' When king Philip received this news, though his 
brother Charles had been the author of the battle, yet 


rrinttrt hjr T. Bcnf.ey, Bolt Court, Fleet Street, London. 


he fenl embafTadors to the king of England, demanding 
reparation for the wrong done him, by punilhing fuch 
as were concerned, and by the payment of a vaft fum 
for the lofles which his merchants had fuftained. To 
them the king prudently anfwered, that he would in- 
quire into the matter, and return his refolution by mef- 
fengers of his own. Agreeable to this promife, he fent 
to defire the French king, that time and place might be 
fixed for commiflioners on both fides, to meet and in- 
quire into the circumftances of the fat, in order to its 
being amicably adjufted : but this the French king re- 
fufed, and, by the advice of his nobility, fummoned the 
king of England to appear, and anfwer for what had paf- 
fed in his court, on a day afligned. The day came^ and 
the king not appearing, a new fummons was iflued, 
wherein the king was cited to appear on another day, 
under pain of forfeiting all his dominions beyond the 
feas. The king, before this day elapfed, fent his bro* 
ther Edmund, earl of Lancafter, and the earl of Leicef- 
ter, with inftruclions for making an end of this bufmefs ; 
yet thefe embaflfadors, though they produced proper cre- 
dentials, were not heard, nor even admitted ; but judg- 
ment was given, that the king fliould lofe Aquitain, and 
all his tranfmarine dominions, for his contempt in not 

Thefe occurrences made it apparently impoffible to 
avoid a war, but neverthelefs a negociation was fet on 
foot for the prevention of hoftilities, in which Philip IV. 
king of France, difplayed the moft difhonourable per- 
fidy and bafenefs. It was propofed that, in order to fa- 
tisfy the punctilious honour of the French king, a few 
of his troops fliould be admitted into certain forts and 
E towns, 


towns, and afterwards withdrawn, that the differences 
between the two monarchs might be fettled at a per- 
fonal interview. Thefe ftipulations were faithfully per- 
formed on the part of Edward ; but Philip, when the pe- 
riod agreed on was elapfed, refufed to evacuate the towns, 
declaring that he was unacquainted with the treaty, and 
would 'not comply with it. 

Thus ftimulated, Edward called on his Parliament 
for fupplies to enable him to recover the provinces wreft- 
ed from him and his anceftors by force and treachery. 
He made various treaties with foreign princes, and ap- 
pointed Tiptoff admiral. In this employ he difplayed 
great courage and ability ; his orders were to fail to Nor- 
mandy, and finding a fuitable opportunity, he entered 
the Seine, funk all the fhips he found in that river, and 
afterwards made prize of feveral vefTels laden with wine, 
which were coming round from the weftern coaft of 
France. This was but a part of the naval fuccefs of 
the Englifh. Their other admirals performed coniider- 
able exploits, as will be {hewn in the enfuing memoirs. 

Tiptoff did not long furvive this tranfa&ion ; he ferved 
in the year 1297, in the Scottifli wars, and died the year 
enfuing, with an augmented patrimony, and generally 
rcfpe&ed and efteemed. 



WILLIAM DE LEIBOURNE was fon and heir of 
Roger cle Leihourne, who in the reign of Henry III. 
was made warden of the cinque ports, and diftinguifhed 
himfelf by his valiant exploits in oppofing the rebellious 
barons, and their adherent, Leoline, prince of Wales. 
William equally diftinguiuHed himfelf by his loyalty, 
and in the year 1296, when Edward I. equipped a 
powerful armament to affift in the recovery of Guienne, 
which had been fraudulently and treacherouily wrefted 
from him by the king of France, Leibourne was ap- 
pointed admiral of one of the three fleets into which the 
king's force was divided. 

The fleet which Leibourne commanded was called 
the Portfmouth fquadron from the circumftance of that 
harbour being the place where they were firft apppointed 
to rendezvous. The mode in which this armament was 
provided deferves particular notice. The king directed 
his precept to the fheriffs of Southampton, and feveral 
other counties, and to thofe in the marches of Wales 
and Ireland, commanding them to furnifh him with 
timber for the building of flxty (hips, fo that they might 
be at Portfmouth in readinefs for his fervice by a given 
day, and this precept was punctually obeyed. 

Although this fleet was fuppofed to be equipped prin- 
cipally for the defence of the kingdom, ftill when it 
became apparent that there was no immediate danger of 
E 2 invafion, 


invafion, it was employed in attacking the enemy. 
About Michaelmas, Leibourne failed to the mouth of the 
Garonne, and difembarked a confiderable body of Britifh 
troops, who took feveral places. The French, in re- 
venge,hired a large fleet the next year, amounting, accord- 
ing to fome writers, to three hundred fail, and landed 
fuddenly at Dover. This exploit was aflifted by the 
treachery of Sir Thomas Turberville, by whofe means 
they were enabled to take and burn the town ; but they 
were fpeedily attacked by the Englifh, and compelled 
to take refuge in their {hips, with a lofs of eight hundred 

Leibourne, in the mean time, had the good fortune to 
fall in with a fleet of Spaniih merchantmen, richly 
laden, fifteen fail of which he captured, and brought in- 
to Sandwich. Thefe were the only achievements per- 
formed by the Portfmouth fleet as a feparate fquadron, 
and with them the naval character of Leibourne ter- 
minates. He attended king Edward 1. in his expedi- 
tions to Flanders and Scotland, and having ferved feveral 
years in parliament, died in 1309. His only fon died 
in his life-time, leaving no iffue except a daughter, named 
Julian, who married John de Haftings, father of 
Laurence, earl of Pembroke. 


( 53 ) 


WHEN Edward I. refolved to attempt the recovery of 
Guienne from the French king, John de Botetourt, go- 
vernor of Saint Brival's caftle, in Gloucefterfliire, was 
fummoned to attend at Portfmouth ; and the command of 
the Yarmouth fleet was conferred on him by his fove- 
reign. Although no authentic records enable us to 
commemorate his previous exploits, there is every rea- 
fon to believe that he had greatly diftinguifhed himfelf ; 
fmce Edward, in the higheft degree valiant himfelf, and 
an undoubted judge of military merit, confided to hirn 
this important and honourable commiffion. Yarmouth 
was, at that period, next to London, the greateft port 
for /hipping in England, and the Yarmouth fleet wa,s 
confidered the flower of the Britifh force. 

Whatever reputation Botetourt might have previoufly 
acquired, it was not diminifhed by his exertions in this 
high appointment. His firft exploit was a defcent on the 
coaft of Normandy, where he burned the town of Cher- 
bourg, and enriched his followers by the fpoils attending 
his conqueft, particularly by the, plunder pf a rich abbey 
in the neighbourhood. On his return, he attempted to 
gain the harbour of Berwick ; but the Scots, having in 
the mean time invaded England, Boteitourt entering the 
port without due attention, was vigorouily attacked by 
the enemy, and after lofing four of his fhips, was glad 
E 3 ,* to 


to efcape with the remainder. His lofs was not unpro- 
ductive of advantage to the king, for Edward obferving 
the attention of the enemy chiefly directed to the naval 
operation, made a refolute aflault on the town, which he 
took, and put the garrifon to the fword. 

In the next year, 1297, Edward refolved to invade 
Flanders, and though the barons and clergy made con- 
fiderable oppofition, found himfelf enabled to equip a 
mod powerful fleet. Botetourt continued to command 
the Yarmouth divifion, but had the mort ideation to 
find the expedition delayed, and the king's interefts 
materially injured by a quarrel which took place be- 
tween the fquadron of the cinque ports and that of 
which he was adniirat. This difpute occafioned fo 
much rancour, that the two fleets, notwithftanding the 
king's interpolation, came to an engagement, in which 
twenty of the Yarmouth {hips were burned, and three 
of the largeil veflels in the navy driven out to fea ; one 
of them had the king's treafure on board, and they were 
not faved without confiderable difficulty. 

When they came to anchor in the harbour of Dam, 
the French formed a project for burning the whole fleet ; 
but the admiral having fortuaately obtained intelligence 
of the defign, put to fea, and fo efcaped. This war, 
"though immenfe preparations had been made, was not 
carried on with proportionate vigour and fpirit ; the king 
of France was eager for the conqueft of Flanders, and 
Edward anxious to fubjugate Scotland : a truce was 
fpeedily agreed on ; and a peace afterwards concluded, 
in which both monarchs left their allies to their fate, 
and feparately purfued their own views of ambition and 



Edward, befides his inclination to complete the con- 
queft of Scotland, was under the neceflity of returning 
home, in order toreprefs the licentioufnefs of the barons, 
whom nothing but the terror of his name, and the 
flrength of his government, could retain in due bounds ; 
and who feized the moment of his abfence to enter into 
rebellious confederacies, and difturb the peace of the 
kingdom. The reign of Edward I. is one of the moft 
glorious in the Britifh annals, and one from which pof- 
terity has derived the greateft advantages. No lefs wife 
and politic in peace, than valiant and judicious in war, 
Edward performed the moft efiential fervices to the na- 
tion, and from the excellence of the ftatutes enac"Ved 
under his influence, has been honoured with the title 
of the Englifh Juftinian. 

Like all other great and wife Britifh kings, Edward was 
particularly attentive to the improvement of the navy, 
and jealoufly tenacious of the fovereignty of the fea. In 
his reign the EnglHh feamen acquired that high reputa- 
tion which they have ever fince maintained, and which 
has proved the glory and fafeguard of the nation. 
*' Englifli fh.ips," fays an ancient author,'" vifit every 
coaft, and Englifh failors excel all others both in the 
arts of navigation and fighting.*" 

This naval pre-eminence infpired the king with cor- 
refponding fentiments refpe&ing the deference due to 
the Britifh flag, and his honour was well fupported by 
Botetourt, who was, after the peace between France and 
England, made admiral of the Britifh feas. 

* Moo. Malmf. p. 157. qyoted in Henry's HiAory gf England, Vol. XIII. 
? 353- 

E 4 Tho 


The war ftill continuing between France and Flan- 
ders, Philip the Fair fent out a fleet under one Grim- 
baldi or Grimbaltz, a Genoefe, who, under colour of 
of this commiflion, took feveral iliips of different na- 
tions, bound for the ports of Flanders. Complaints 
being made on this fubjecl: to the kings of both England 
and France, commiflioners were appointed to hear and 
determine the difpute. Before thefe commifiiqners the 
inatter was pleaded in a formal manner. It was alleged 
on the one fide, that the fovereignty of the feas belonged 
to the kings of England, and charged that the king 
having delegated his power to Botetourt as his admiral, 
no other perfon could have a right to exercife jurifdi&ion 
or take the title of admiral on thofe feas. To this 
Grimbaltz pleaded : he admitted the fovereignty claimed 
by the king of England, and did not difpute the para- 
mount title of his admiral ; but juftified his conduit on 
the grounds of the late treaty between England and 

The remainder of Edward the firft's reign was fpent in 
efforts to achieve the conquefl. of Scotland, in which 
Botetourt accompanied him, and obtained feveral ho- 
nourable and lucrative marks of regard. 

Edward II. forms in every refped a ftriking contraft 
to his illuftrious parent. Feeble in peace, inglorious in 
war, weakly led by favourites who betrayed, and uxo- 
rioufly attached to a wife who difgraced him, his reign 
was a continued fcene of turbulence and mifery, and 
was terminated by one of thofe (hocking ats of regicide 
which place a fligma on the page of hiftory. In his 
time the naval affairs of England were on the decline, 



and Botetourt, though he attended the king in his wars, 
had little occafion to fignalize his prowefs at fea. In the 
year 1315 he was made admiral of a fleet bound to- 
wards Scotland, but it performed no memorable fervice. 
Botetourt was attentive to his duty in parliament, and 
formed one in a confederacy againft the king's minion, 
Piers de Gaveflon. He died in 1325. 


C 58 ) 

THE circumftances under which Edward III. com- 
menced his reign, were fo inaufpicious as to afford none 
but the moft gloomy profpedts. His father had been 
violently depofed and inhumanly murdered ; while his 
abandoned mother, and Mortimer, her infamous para- 
mour, openly lived in a ftate of defiance to decency. 
They abufed the power of regency with which they 
were entrufted during the king's minority, and adopted 
fuch a fyftem, in order to promote their own indi- 
vidual views of ambition and intereft, as threatened 
utterly to difgrace the royal authority, and to ruin the 

Under their mal-adminiftration Edward had the mor- 
tification to witnefs the execution of his uncle, the earl 
of Kent, and the plunder and ruin, under various pre- 
tences, of many of the principal nobility, whom it was 
not in his power to protect or avenge. He was made 
the tool of his mother and Mortimer, in conducting an 
expedition againft the Scots, in which, if not worfted, 
he was at leaft unfuccefsful ; and, inftead of being per- 
mitted to repair his ill fortune in a manner which fuited 
his ardent genius and impetuous courage, he faw the 
road to honour barred up by an ignominious peace. 
He was afterwards, by the influence of the fame autho- 
rity, obliged to go over and do homage to Philip, king 
of France, for his continental territories, though he 
jiimfelf claimed a fuperior title to Philip's throne. 



But thefe clouds were foon difpelled by the virtue 
and energy of the prince himfeif ; and he flione forth, 
with dazzling radiance, one of the brighteft luminaries 
which ever decorated the Englifti horizon. While the 
afcendancy of Mortimer compelled him to ufe caution, 
Edward proceeded with the utmoft circumfpection; but 
when the general hatred againft that minion gave af- 
furance of fuccefs, he exerted himfeif with that vigour 
and promptitude which marked his character, and in 
liftening to the voice of vengeance, which demanded 
the death of fo confpicuous a traitor, did not ftiut his ears 
to the calls of juftice, but preferved him from the arm 
of the affaffin, that he might fall by the judgment of 
his peers. 

When Edward had, by deftroying this ufurped 
power, obtained a conftitutional authority, he foon dif- 
tinguifhed Robert de Morley by an extraordinary de- 
gree of kindnefs. Morley had attended him in his ex- 
pedition to Scotland, and ever difplayed the moft fincere 
attachment to his perfon and intereft. He was defcend- 
ed from William de Morley, a valiant foldier under 
Edward I. and by his marriage with Hawife, a daughter 
of William de Marefchall, became poffefled of the 
office of marfhal of Ireland, which belonged to his lady 
by defcent. 

Following the dictates of his own courage, Edward 
foon recommenced hoftilities againft the Scots, confider- 
ing, like his grandfather, Edward I. that the fufcjugation 
of that kingdom was a neceflary prelude to rendering 
thofe meafures effectual which he meditated againft 
France. In this war he was attended by Robert de 
Morley, but as it afforded no difplay of naval prowefs, 

a narrative 


a narrative of its progrefs is not within the plan of this 

Although Edward had no occafion to employ a navy 
in the Scottifh war, he was felicitous to put the marine 
efbblifhment on a refpe&able footing, and jealoufly 
maintained his title td the lordfhip of the fea. In order 
to enforce his claims to thofe demefnes of which his 
anceftors had been diverted by the French kings, 
Edward found it neceflary to form alliances with feveral 
foreign princes and ftates. He attempted to bring over 
the Flemings to his intereft ; but they having fworn 
allegiance to the king of France, could in no wife b* 
tempted to join him but by his openly contefting the 
legality of Philip's claim to the crown, and affuming the 
title himfelf. 

The precipitation with which this refoltition was 
adopted afforded the French king the advantage of 
making the fiift attack. Philip having afTembled a 
confiderable fquadron of large fliips, under pretence of 
giving relief to the chriftians in the holy land, fent them 
over to the Britifh coaft, where they took and burned 
Southampton ; but in their retreat they were aflailed by 
the Englifh, and loft three hundred men, befides their 
commander, a fon of the king of Sicily : fo that, on the 
whole, they had fome reafon to regret the expedition. 

In 1338 Edward embarked for Antwerp, with a fleet 
of five hundred fail, of which Morley was appointed 
admiral ; but the period was not yet arrived when his 
reign was to be diftinguifhed by naval exploits. The 
'Englifh monarch was received by his allies with a de- 
gree of regard proportionate to the fubfidies he paid 
them ; and they appeared fincerely defirous to promote 



'his interefts ; but the French king declined an engage- 
ment, and thus in fruitlefs fkirmifhes, or unavailing de-* 
fiances, that time was wafted and thofe treafures ex- 
pended by which Edward had reafonably hoped to ac- 
complifh, or, at leaft, materially forward the objects of 
liis enterprife. 

This was not the worft confequence attending the 
expedition, for the French and Scots, finding England 
diverted of the protection of a fleet, took feveral oppor- 
tunities of committing extenfive and important depreda- 
tions. They deftroyed the town of Raftings, and fpread 
terror all along the weftern coaft; they alfo burned 
Plymouth, and infulted the city of Briftol, the inha- 
bitants of which places could not offer an effectual re- 
fiftance. Thefe injuries were not entirely unrevenged, 
for the mariners of the cinque ports, taking advantage 
of a thick fog, manned all their fmall craft, and ran 
over to Boulogne. They burned the lower town to- 
gether with the dock and arfenal filled with naval ftores, 
deftroyed four large fhips, nineteen gallies, and twenty 
lefler veflels, and returned in fafety to their own 

In another inftance, the valour of the Britifh feamen 
was honourably fhewn, though the refult was not in 
all refpe&s fuccefsful. A fquadron of five Englifh (hips 
was attacked by thirteen fail of Frenchmen ; but not- 
withftanding this immenfe difproportion, the Britons 
defended themfelves fo valiantly, that two only of their 
veflels were captured, the reft efcapcd into port. One 
of the fhips thus captured was named the Edward, the 
other the Chriftopher. 

Baffled in his attempts to make an impreflion on the 



continent, no lefs by the cautious prudence of th 
' French king, than by the exhaufted (rate of his owrt 
finances, Edward, in 1340, returned to England, after 
having dibanded his army, which he was no longer able 
to fupport. 

During his abfence the parliament had been fome- 
what alarmed at the great demands for money with 
which they had been obliged to burthen their confti- 
tuents, and had refufed fome fupplies and greatly dimi- 
nimed others. The king on his return fummoned a 
new parliament, and laid before them a very affecting 
ftatement of his neeeffities. He told them, that without 
a very large fupply, all his defigns would be ruined, 
and himfelf difhonoured ; that he was obliged to return 
to Brufiels, and to flay there till all the debts he had 
contracted abroad were paid. 

This reprefentation could not fail of producing the 
defired effect on an Englifh parliament. Every prin- 
ciple of parfimony vanished before the idea of a beloved 
and gallant monarch's being left in circumftances of 
tlifgrace and difhonour. A moft liberal fupply was im- 
mediately voted for two years, amounting to a ninth of 
the increafe of agriculture, and a like proportion of 
.the moveables of every citizen and burgefs, together with 
a considerable addition to the cuftoms and other taxes. 
In consideration of this ample fupply the king volunta- 
rily remitted his claim to certain aids to which he was 
entitled under the feudal fyilem, for the purpofe of 
making his fon a knight, and fupplying a marriage por- 
tion for his daughter. 

The moft perfect good understanding being thus 

eflablimed between the king and his affectionate Subjects, 

4 he 


he prepared again to embark for the continent, and for 
that purpofe aficmbled a fleet of forty fail at Orwell in 

Having repaired to this place a fortnight before Mid- 
fummer, he made arrangements for his expedition, and 
urged no lefs by his hopes of glory and fuccefs, than by 
his anxious defire to fee his wife and children, whom he 
had left at Ghent, he refolved to put to fea in two 

While he was in this fituation his prime minifter, the 
archbifhop of Canterbury, fent him information that king 
Philip had, with all poflible privacy, affembled a fleet of 
four hundred fail at the port of Sluys for the exprefs 
purpofe of intercepting his paflage, and therefore advifed 
his majefty not to venture to fea with a force fo inade- 

The king, fvvayed more by his impatience than his 
judgment, anfwered, that he was refolved to fail at all 
events ; upon which the archbimop, with all humility, 
retired from the council, refigning his feals of office 
into the king's own hand. 

Convinced by this proceeding that the advice he had 
received was not to be flighted, Edward fent for Robert 
de Morley his admiral, and one Crabbe, a moft fkilful 
feaman, whom he ordered to make minute inquiry into 
the matter. Having taken all proper pains to inform 
themfelves of the fadh, they returned into the king's 
prefence, and confirmed in every particular the intelli- 
gence and advice of the archbimop. 

The mortification of being thus delayed in a favourite 
projeft inflamed the irritable temper of Edward to fuch 
a degree, that he accufed Morley and Crabbe of being 



in collufion with the archbifhop to prevent the fuccefi 
of his expedition ; " You have agreed," he faid, " to 
tell me this tale in order to flop my voyage ; but," con- 
tinued he angrily, " I will go, and you who are thus 
timid, where there is no ground of fear, may flay athome^ 
I fhall do without you." 

Morley was grieved to find his courage and loyalty 
thus groundlefsly fufpedted. He told Edward that he 
would flake his head that the information and advice he 
had given were in all refpedls correcl:, and that if the 
king went out of port, he and all who accompanied 
him would be infallibly deflroyed. " But," he added, 
" I know my duty too well to abandon your majefly in 
any undertaking, however difficult or hazardous. If it 
be your majefly 's pleafure to lead to captivity, or even 
to certain death, I fhall follow without a murmur, and 
ufe my utraofl endeavours to obtain a fuccefs for which 
reafon forbids me to hope." Crabbe and all the feamen 
prefent expreffed fimilar fentiments. 

The king, fenfible of the wrong he had been guilty 
of in fufpecTmg and difcharging his faithful fervants 
merely for giving him that advice which was fuggefled 
by their duty, and founded in their information and 
judgment, called in the aid of reafon to reflrain his im- 
patience. In a great mind, the conviction of being in 
an error is fpeedily followed by a defire to make amends. 
Edward immediately fent for the archbifhop of Canter- 
bury, and prevailed on him to refume the feals, and 
craved his advice as to the befl meafures to be adopted for 
the purpofe of counteracting the projects of his enemies. 

The method of raiting a naval force in thofe times 
was by a royal proclamation, in obedience to which all 



the fhipping belonging to Englilh fubje&s, in whatever 
ports they might be, were compelled, together with all 
their men, to join the king, or his admiral, at a given 
place of rendezvous. By the advice of his minifler, 
Edward now iffued fuch a proclamation both in the 
north and fouth, and to the Londoners. The aids 
which he thus demanded were fo liberally fupplied, and 
even exceeded, by the Zealand attachment of his people, 
that in lefs than ten days he faw himfelf poflefled of as 
large a navy as he defired, and received fuch abundant 
reinforcements of archers and fighting men, that he 
was obliged to fend fome of them back to their homes. 

The fleet thus obtained, together with the {hips 
Edward had previoufly affembled, amounted to two hun- 
dred and fixty fail. Morley was constituted admiral, 
and the king himfelf commanded the troops on board. 
They failed the 22d of June, and arriving before the 
Haven of Sluys on Midfummer day, fought one of the 
braveft and mod important naval engagements recorded 
in the annals of hiftory up to that period. 

The French fleet, amounting, as has been already 
obferved, to four hundred fail, was commanded by two 
experienced admirals, named Hugh Quieret and Peter 
Bahuchet. The Englifli would have attacked the enemy 
in harbour; but when they approached, obferving their 
fliips to be linked together with iron chains fo that it was 
impofllble to break their line of battle, they retired and 
flood out a little to fea. 

This manoeuvre occafioned a difpute between the two 

admirals. Quieret, thinking Morley fled for fear 

of the fuperior force he faw aflembled, was eager 

to go out and fight, while Bahuchet was of opi- 

F nion 


nion that it would be better to ftay where they were, aT? 
defend the Haven. Quieret, following the dictates of 
his own impetuolity, quitted the harbour, while his co- 
adjutor, lillening only to the fuggeftions of prudence, 
ftaid within fo long, that when he afterwards wified it, 
he could not come oat. 

Morley, feeing the French fleet put to fea, by an in- 
genious manoeuvre gained the wind, and what in the: 
fyftem of righting then purfued was of equal importance y . 
the fun. The king difpatehed lord Cobham to recon- 
noitre the number and force of the enemy, who on hi& 
return dated the quantity ami magnitude of their veflels, 
and perhaps defcanted on their force with fome exagge- 
ration. The monarch was not intimidated by this re- 
prefentation, but heroically anfwered, " Well, by the 
afliftance of God and faint George, I will now revenge 
all the wrongs I have received." 

The Englilh. fleet was drawn up in two- lines ; the 
firfl: confifting of veflels of the greateft force, fo ranged, 
that between every two fhips filled with archers, there 
was one with men at arms for the purpole of boarding 
the enemy ; the fhips in the wings were alfo manned 
with archers. The fecond line was ufed as a referve 
from which the principal line drew fupplies when necef- 

Thq combat began at eight in the morning. The 
French commenced it by detaching the {hip called the 
great Chriilopher, which in the preceding year they 
had taken from the Englifh, to break the line, of battle 
in which they were drawn up. The enemy advanced 
to the action with the utmoft courage, cheered by fongs 
and fhouts, and infpired -by a band of martial mufic. 



The' Englifti received them with cool intrepidity, 
anfvvering their Ihouts and fongs by repeated huzzas. 
The fuperiority of the Englifh feainen was Coon mani- 
fefr. by the {kill and facility with which they tacked* 
and, as occafion required, either bore down upon, or dif- 
engaged themfelves from, their opponents. 

In fea fights previous to this time it had been a fre- 
quent and fuccefsful practice to difable the enemy's vef- 
fels by running a long fide, and carrying away the oars 
with which they rowed during the action. In this 
battle, though oars were ftill occafionally employed, no 
ufe was made of this expedient, but the principal reliance 
was placed on the fails for executing all great manoeuvres* 
and on the archers and men at arms for all important 

The French {hips were provided with engines for 
throwing huge ftones, which did confiderable damage, 
but the {kill of the Englifh archers, already renowned 
throughout Europe, was in this engagement eminently 
confpicuous. They darkened the air with continual, 
and well directed vollies. The great Chriftopher was 
foon recaptured, and being filled with Englifli warriors, 
was employed againft her late owners. The fleets en- 
gaged at clofe quarters, and the French foon perceived 
their immenfe inferioiity in every refpecl; except num- 
bers. No quarter was given, and many of the enemy, 
preffed by the valour and fuperior ta6tics of the Englifh, 
and galled to madnefs by the fevere difcharges of arrows, 
jumped into the fea, encountering certain destruction to 
avoid continuing a conteft which they favv muft termi- 
nate to their difadvantage. 

During the battle, the Flemings, who defcried it from 
F2 the 


the fhore, brought a reinforcement, and to this fome 
French authors have attributed the fate of the day. But 
this allegation is unfupported by reafon or fadt. The 
number of fhips brought into action by the Flemings 
was not fufficient to counterbalance the prodigious fupe- 
riority of the French force, or to a6t with material effect 
in co-operation with the Englifh ; nor would thofe cau- 
tious allies have rifqued themfelves in battle, had they 
not perceived that victory already inclined to the fide they 
intended to efpoufe. The French were undoubtedly 
guilty of a great imprudence in commencing the acYion 
To near to the coafts of Flanders, but this circumftance 
did not produce any important confequences. 

After a mod obflinate conteft, which lafted till feven 
o'clock in the evening, the enemy were defeated in every 
quarter, and two hundred of their fhips fell into the 
hands of the victors. Quieret was killed during the ac- 
tion, and the furvivors were fo incenfed againft Bahu- 
chet, that they hung him up at the yard-arm. Their 
lofsin this engagement amounted to thirty thoufand men, 
while that of the Englifh did not exceed four thoufand, 
although a large (hip and galley from Hull, together 
with another veffel, were funk by vollies of Hones, 
and all on board perifhed, except two men and a wo- 

A part of the enemy's forces confifted in an auxiliary 
fquadron of Genoefe lliips, under the command of an 
experienced admiral, named Barbarini ; he alone fhewed 
a confiderable degree of {kill, and infured a proportionate 
fuccefs. As foon as the Englifh fleet was in fight, he flood 
out to fea, and after fighting valiantly, as long as fuccefs | 



was probable, he had the good fortune to fave the re- 
mainder of his (hips from the hands of the vi&ors. 

Thirty fail of Frenchmen, the relicks of this formidable 
armament, attempted to efcape in the night ; but a part 
of the Englifli fleet, under the earl of Huntingdon, in- 
tercepted and captured them ; and on the enfuing day 
the -victorious monarch entered the harbour of Sluys in, 

The news of this important achievement, which was 
f-peedily brought to England, was received with great 
joy, and otxiafioned an increafed alacrity throughout the 
nation, in raiiing the fupplies voted for the king's fer- 
vice. It excited alfo the greateft ardour among his allies, 
who immediately took the field, and he found himfelf at 
the head of a hundred thoufand men, befides fifty thou- 
fand Flemings, who, under the command of Robert de 
Artois, laid fiege to Saint Omers. 

In France, the intelligence occafioned general andl 
deep-felt regret. The courtiers were in fuch confterna- 
tion, that they durft not communicate the unwelcome 
tidings to Philip. At length the court jefter undertook 
the talk. He ran into the king's prefence, fhouting and 
exclaiming, " Oh the bafe Englifli ! Oh the cowardly 
Englim ! Oh the paltry, faint-hearted Englifli !" Upon 
the king's inquiring why he thus railed againft the 
Englifti ; the jelter replied, " Why do I rail? becaufe 
they had not the courage to jump into the fea, as your 
majefty's brave French and Normans have done." An 
explanation enfued, in which Philip learned the extent 
of his misfortune, which he bore with more firmnefs 
than had been expecletj by thofe who thought it necef- 
F 3 fary 


fary to difguife the features of truth in fo ridiculous a 

Edward's ultimate fuccefs in this expedition was not- 
commenfurate to the expectations raifed by his fortu- 
nate outfet. The Flemings who befieged Saint Omers, 
being for the moft part mechanics, unufed to war, were 
routed by a fortie from the garrifon, nor could all the 
efforts of their valiant commander induce them to rally. 
According to the genius of that age, Edward fent a chal- 
lenge to his rival, to decide their preteniions by fmgle 
combat, or by a limited number of knights on each fide. 
This Philip declined, alleging, with reafon, that Ed- 
ward, having once done homage to him as vaflal, was not 
entitled to the rights of combat, and that in fuch a con- 
telt the challenger might gain every thing, but had no- 
thing to lofe. 

The fiege of Tournay, in which Edward employed 
his forces, proceeded but flowly, and the remittances he 
received from England were not in any manner corre- 
fpondent to the liberality of parliament, or the promifes 
of his minifters. Th;s deficiency is attributed to the 
malverfation of the king's officers in general, but more 
particularly to the intrigues of the archbifhop of Canter- 
bury ; be a6led under the influence of the pope, who 
was known to be attached to the caufe of the French 

But whatever might be the caufe of Edward's want- 
ing pecuniary fupport, the eile& was fpeedily obvious. 
His allies, no longer expecting to be paid, deferred his 
caufe, and, after having been reduced to the moft de- 
grading expedients, after having even pawned his own 



Diadem and the queen's jewels for a -fupply, Edward 
found himfelf under the neceffity of once more abandon- 
ing all his projects, of raifing the fiege of Tournay, 
concluding a truce with the enemy, and returning to 

Before this period Morley's command was limited to 
the northern fleet, in which he was principally em- 
ployed in tranfporting troops, and protecting the Englifh 
coaft. In two years afterwards the war was renewed, 
and Morley, having the command of the Cinque Port 
fleet, ravaged the coafts of Normandy, and burned three- 
fcore ihips, three towns, and two villages. 

From this period, although Morley's eommiflion of 
admiral was frequently renewed, he does not feem to 
have diftinguifhed himfelf at fea. He attended Edward 
in all his wars, and ferved him in perfon at the famous 
battle of Creffy, fought the 26th of Auguit, 1346. 

His whole life was fpent in active fervice ; and, befides 
being conftantly returned to parliament, he was ap- 
pointed conftable of the Tower of London, and named 
in feverai important commiflions for the defence of the 

He died in the year 1360, being then in France, in 
the army of his victorious fovereign, by whom he was 
ever highly efteemed, and by whpm his merits were; 
liberally rewarded. 



WILLIAM DE CLINTON was a lineal defcendant of 
Geoffrey de Clinton, lord chamberlain and treafurer to 
Henry I. He was fon of John de Clinton, of Maxftoke, 
in the county of Warwick, by Ida, eldeft daughter and 
heirefs of William de Odingfels. 

In the year 1324, he was made a knight by Ed- 
ward II. and on the acceffion of Edward III. was employed 
to receive and conduct John of Hainault, who had 
landed at Dover with a confidcrable force, to aflift in 
the inglorious expedition againft the Scots. In 1330 he 
married Julian, daughter of Sir Thomas de Leyburne, 
and widow of John de Haftings of Bergavenny. To 
this alliance he was fuppofed to owe much of his fubfe- 
quent elevation, though it is to be attributed in a much 
greater degree to his own merit and prudence. 

Clinton early attached himfelf to the interefts of the 
young king, and was one of thofe who engaged in the 
hazardous enterprize of furpriilng and bringing to juftice 
the mifcreant Mortimer. From this period he was 
highly confidered by his fovereign, who created him 
juflice of Cheftcr, governor of Dover cattle, and warden 
of the cinque ports; and in 1332, he was called to par- 
liament among the barons of the realm. 

Clinton, while yet a young man, was diflinguilhed by 
his piety, and the liberality with which he beflowed his 
s and property in endowments for religious and cha- 


table purpofes, in which he was abundantly feconded by 
his amiable and virtuous lady. His wifdom and prudence 
.daily gained him additional intereft with his fovea'eign, 
who, in 1333, appointed him lord admiral of the feas, 
from the mouth of the Thames weltward, and on the 
1 6th March, 1337, by letters patent, created him earl of 

After this he was employed in feveral important em- 
baflies, and difplayed great ability in concluding fome of 
thofe alliances by which Edward hoped to achieve the 
conqueft of France. In returning by fea from one of 
thofe miflions, he attacked and captured two Flemifh 
veffels loaden with Scots, of whom they took two hun- 
dred and fifty, and amongft them the bifhop of Glafgow,. 
and feveral noblemen's fons. 

In the famous fea fight near Sluys, the earl of Hun- 
tingdon exerted himfelf in a confpicuous manner, and 
contributed to the glory of the tranfadlion by the cap- 
ture of thirty French fhips which attempted to efcape 
after the battle. 

When Edward had been compelled by neceffity to 
conclude a truce with the French king, and returned to 
England, he employed himfelf with great diligence and 
fpirit in reforming the abufes which had crept into every 
department of the ftate, and in punifhing the authors of 
them. From the feverity of this inquilition, and its 
penalties, even the archbifhop of Canterbury, John 
Stratford, was not exempt, although he exerted all the 
influence which his high fituation and facerdotal cha- 
racter fupplied, in attempting to avert the blow. 

Between enemies fo inveterate as Edward and the 

French king, any circumftance which promifed advan- 

i tage, 


tage, formed a fufRcient motive for a recommencement 
of hoftilities, and the difputed fucceflion to the duchy of 
Britanny fupplied, in 1342, a pretence for unfheathing 
the fword. This conteft produced no naval exploit of 
importance, except the capture of a. few (hips by Sir 
Walter Manny, and one fkirmifh in which the Engliili 
had not the advantage, although they fucceeded in ac- 
compliihing the obje6l of their enterprize. 

Edward had refolved to fend a reinforcement to his 
army on the continent, and for that purpofe embarked 
five hundred men at arms, and a thoufand archers, on 
board ordinary tranfports, under the command of the 
earls of Northampton and Devonfhire. The French 
king obtained information of this intention, and in order 
to intercept the fupply, hired from different nations 
thirty-two fail of (hips, nine of which were of extraordi- 
nary fize, and three ftout gallies. On board this fleet 
were three thoufand Genoefe, and a thoufand men at 
arms, commanded by Carolo Grimbaldi and Antonio 
Doria. The king's fleet was under the command of no 
admiral in particular, nor was it compofed of veflels cal- 
culated to refift with effe6t an enemy fo powerful. Yet 
they did not, although attacked unexpectedly, relinquish 
the high character they had acquired, or yield to their 
opponents an eafy blood'efs victory ; on the contrary, 
the fight began off Guernfey at four o'clock in the 
afternoon, and was maintained till night, when a florin 
aroie, and the Englifh, keeping in near ihore, landed 
their troops, who performed important fervices. The 
enemy remained at fea, in token of having gained the 
victory, and had in fact captured four of the Englifh 



The king foon afterwards went over into Britanny 
with a powerful reinforcement, but the exploits he was 
enabled to .perform were fo little adequate to his hopes, 
that before the end of 1343 he concluded a truce for 
three years. Negociations were commenced under the 
pope's influence for an entire pacification, but they were 
not fuccefsful, and the truce was foon broken, or rather it 
was never well kept. 

In 1344 war was renewed againft France, and in 
1346 Edward, having refolved to make an important 
attempt, aflembled at Portsmouth a fleet of a thoufand 
fail, under the command of the earl of Huntingdon. 
With this mighty armament, on board which he had 
embarked two thoufand five hundred horfe, and thirty 
thoufand foot, the king defigned, in the firfl place, to 
relieve his general, the earl of Derby, who, after per- 
forming many valiant exploits for the fpace of two years 
in the province of Guienne, was reduced to moft diffi- 
cult and dangerous circumftances, and preffed by a 
French force infinitely fuperior to his own. Eager to 
accomplifh the objects of his expedition, Edward em- 
barked at Portfmouth in the beginning of June, but he 
was detained by contrary winds till the 10th of July. 

However mortifying this delay might be to a prince 
of Edward's impatient fpirit, it was highly beneficial to 
his interefts, as in the interval he formed fuch an altera- 
tion of his plan as was productive of one of the moft 
gloiious events of his reign. By the advice of Godfrey 
de Harcourt, a Norman nobleman, who had been af*- 
fronted and injured by the French monarch, and had in 
confequence fled to England, Edward, inftead of failing 
to Guienne, where a powerful enemy was ready to op- 
pofe him, refojved to attack Normandy, the ancient pa- 


trimony of the kings of England, a rich and dcfcncelefc 

In coniequence of this wife determination, the grand 
fleet failed from St. Helen's the lothof July, and ar- 
rived at La Hogue in Normandy on the nth. The 
king having landed -his troops without oppofi tion, wile- 
ly refolved to allow them fix days for the advan- 
tage of reft and refreshment, which was rendered necef- 
fary by their long confinement on Shipboard. 

When their fpirits were thus repaired, the earl of 
Huntingdon, feconding the king's military operations, vi- 
fited the feveral fea-ports on the coafts, and deft royed the 
{hipping, while the army ravaged the open country, 
took and plundered the towns, fpreading terror and de- 
folation even to the gates of Paris. The troops were 
enriched by an immenfe booty, which was put on board 
fome of the (hips and fent to England ; Caen alone af- 
forded treafure enough to freight one large vefiel, befides 
near four hundred wealthy citizens and knights whofe 
ranfoms were expected to be largely productive. Such 
were the immediate advantages which Edward derived 
from the employment of a powerful fleet, and an army 
compofed entirely of his own fubjects. 

The French king, irritated at the continual fuccefs of 
the Englifli army and navy, forfook the line of conduit 
which caution had ufually dictated, and purfued thofe 
meafures which brought on the famous and glorious bat- 
tle of Crefly. To defc'ribe this ever-memorable action 
is not within the fcope of this work, but the general 
outline and refult are comprized in few words. The 
English army under the command of king Edward and 
his fon, the iUuftrious Black Prince, was attacked by a 



French force of more than three times their number : 
the king neverthelefs, relying on the valour and conduct 
of the prince of Wales, who was then only fixteen years 
old, would not fuffer a considerable part of his army to 
take any fhare in th acYion. The French were utterly 
defeated, lofing eighty bannerets, twelve hundred knights, 
fourteen hundred gentlemen, four thoufanci men at 
arms, and about thirty thoufanci of inferior rank, be- 
fides many of their principal nobility. The kings of 
Minorca and Bohemia, who had joinedthe French king, 
were alfo flain, and from the king of Bohemia the 
prince of Wales derived the creft which has been ever 
fmce borne by his fucceflbrs three oftrich feathers, and 
the motto ICH DIEN, in Englifh, I fcrve. The lofs 
on Vhe part of the vigors was almoft incredibly fmalJ, 
amounting only to three knights, one efquire, ami a 
very few of inferior rank. 

Edward was not fo elated with this victory, however 
encouraging and important, as to think with his fmall 
force of conquering the whole kingdom, or even art 
extenfive province. He left thofe exploits to future 
contingencies, but refolved, if poflible, to fecure an en- 
trance into France without being fubjedted to the diffi- 
culties he had hitherto encountered. 

For this purpofe he commenced the fiege of Calais, 
and to give' more certain effecT: to his operations caufed 
the town to be blockaded at fea by a fleet of feven hun- 
dred and thirty-eight fail, on board of which were four- 
teen thoufand nine hundred and fifty-fix mariners, un- 
der the earl of Huntingdon. 

An exaft lift of this fleet is preferred in the Britifh 
Mufeum ; and another, copied from a roll lodged in the 



king's wardrobe, is given by Hackluyt, which, though it 
differs in fome particulars, agrees in the general refult *. 
This lift is not of fufficient importance to be copied into 
this work, but it fupplies interefting information refpeft- 
ing the ftate of the navy at that period, and fumifhes 
certain deductions refpe&ing the ftate of maritime affairs 
in England, and by comparifon in other kingdoms. 

I- It appears that, on an average, each fhip contained 
about twenty-one men, which, as oars were not fo much 
in ufe as formerly, allows for veffels of confiderable bulk, 
efpecially confulering that thefe were mere mariners, and 
not employed infighting, but only in navigating the (hips. 

II. Of this great force only thirty-eight were foreign 
Ihips ; fo that while France could make no effort at fea, 
without relying on the Genoefe and other nations for 
aid, England could equip fuch a powerful navy, with- 
out the affiftance of any other country. 

III. It appears from the lift above referred to, that the 
fhips were fuppiied by the cities, towns, boroughs, and 
cinque ports of England ; and from acomparifon. of their 
different aids in men and fhips an eftimate may be form- 
ed of their opulence or their loyalty. The king con- 
tributed twenty-five fhips and four hundred and nine- 
teen mariners, to which may probably be added the 
thirty-eight foreign veffels as being hired at his expence. 
The city of London furnifhcd only twenty-five fliips, 
but they were larger than the king's, as they contained 
fix hundred and fixty-two men, or on an average up- 
wards of twenty-fix jnen in each fhip. Fowey, in 
Cornwall, exceeded the capital in ability or in liberality, 
as it fent forty- feven fliips and feven hundred and feventy 

* MS. in Bibl. Cotton. Titus F. III. 8. Hackluyt, Parti, p. 118. 
See alfo Lediard's Nav. Kift. V. I. p. 53. 

8 men. 


men. The mips were but fmall, as muft be obvious 
from confidering their crews. Shoreham fent more 
fhips than London, but they mufl have been of incon- 
fiderable fize, as in twenty-fix veffels there were only 
three hundred and twenty-nine mariners. Briftol fur- 
nifhed twenty four fhips of confiderablc fize, for they 
contained fix hundred and eight men. The (hips from 
Winchelfea were very large, as twenty-one, the num- 
ber fupplied from thence, were navigated by five hundred 
and ninety-fix men, or on an average upwards of twenty- 
eight in each fhip. But Yarmouth excelled all other 
places both in number and magnitude of veffels. From 
that place were fent forty-three fliips, containing nine- 
teen hundred and five feamen, being, on an average, 
fomewhat more than forty-four to each veffel. 

Thus encompaffed, and all fupplies being cut off 
both by fea and land, the inhabitants of Calais, after a 
gallant defence of eleven months, during which they 
experienced all the miferies of famine, thought of treat- 
ing for a furrender, which was at length accomplifhed, 
and the BritHh monarch gained this invaluable fortrefs 
and city. A popular account has been given by many 
hiftorians, of Edward's having infifted on a certain 
number of the principal citizens attending him to yield 
up the keys with halters about their necks, and of his 
having been with difficulty induced to refrain from 
hanging them ; but there are many ftrong rcafons for 
doubting the truth of this ftory. 

After this, by the mediation of the pope, a truce was 
concluded for three years, during which the French, 
with their accuftomed perfidy, attempted to regain Ca- 
lais by the treachery of an Italian, Aymeri <le Pavia, 



whom Edward had left as governor. The plot how-* 
ever being difcovered by Aymei'i's fecretary, the king, 
fecretly equipped a fleet, and went over to Calais with 
fuch a force, that 'the French, inftead of accomplifliing 
their defign, were defeated and cut to pieces with great 
lofs and carnage. 

While the truce yet continued between England and 
France, Edward was unexpectedly aflailed by a new 
enemy from whom he had no reafon to expect fuch 
conduct In the month of November, 1349, a fcjua- 
tlron of Spanifh fliips failing unexpectedly up the Ga- 
ronne, found a confiderable number of Englifli veffels 
at Bourdeaux laden with wine. Thefe they attacked, 
although the two nations were at peace, and not only 
plundered and funk the fhips, but cruelly murdered the 
feamen on board. Incenfcd at this perfidious act of ra- 
pacity, the king, having in the next year gained intelli- 
gence that a fquadron of Spanifli fliips were on their re- 
turn from Flanders, collected a fleet of fifty fail at Sand- 
wich. The command was intruded to the earl of Hunt- 
ingdon, and the king himfelf did not difdain to fhew his 
prowefs in the expedition. The prince of Wales, and 
many of the nobility, were alfo emulous of ferving on 
the occafion. 

On the 25th of Auguft they encountered near Win- 
chelfea the Spanifh fleet, coniifting of forty-four (hips 
of uncommon large fize, called carracks. The engage- 
ment was refolutely maintained, the enemy refufed 
quarter, though it was offered them, and preferred death 
to captivity. The height of their fliips gave them a 
great advantage, but every thing yielded to the great 
fuperiority of the Englifli archers. Twenty-four of tha 


Spaniili veflels, loaded with cloth and other valuable 
merchanc]'i7e, were caprured, and had not the friendly 
fhade of night intervened, not one of them would have 
efcaped. Thofe which were fo fortunate, had been 
fo fevcrely handled that they had great difficulty in re- 
gaining their own fliores 

This conteft reflected the greater! honour to the earl 
of Huntingdon, and Edward was fo pleafed with the 
victory he had obtained, that he perpetuated the memory 
of it by a gold coin which he can fed to be {truck for 
that purpofe. On this money the king was reprefented 
{landing on board a ftiip, in armour, with a drawn fword 
in his hand, and in the infcription he was ftyled. The 
Avenger of the Merchants. 

The earl of Huntingdon was before this period in 
the greateft favour with his fovereign, whom he had 
affiiled during the French war, at the fiege of Aiguil- 
lon, and who, in payment of his fervices, re warded, him 
with the ample fum of eight hundred and twenty-three 
pounds twelve {hillings and fourpence. He was after- 
wards employed by the king in feveral embaffies, parti- 
cularly, in 1349, to the earl of Flanders, and, in 1351, to 
the king of France for a prolongation of the truce. 

This was the laft public tranfaclion in which the earl 
of Huntingdon was engaged. His health was already 
declining, and, having arranged his affairs, and added 
corifiderably to the funds he had previoufly appropriated 
to charitable ufes, he died at Maxftoke the 23d of Au- 
gUft 1354. 


( 82 ) 



JOHN DE HASTINGS was fon and heir of Lawrence 
de Haflings, earl of Pembroke. The mother of Law- 
rence, who was Julian, widow of Thomas de Ley- 
bourne, was married to William de Clinton, earl of 
Huntingdon, and Lawrence being intruded to his charge 
as guardian, was early initiated in the arts of war both 
by fea and land. He diftinguimed himfelf in the fa- 
mous fea-fight off Sluys in Flanders, and in feveral 
other engagements. He died at an early age, before his 
fon John had completed his fecond year. 

During the minority of John de Haflings no memor- 
able tranfacYion took place at fea. Edward III. renew- 
ed hoftilities againft France ; and on the igth of Sep- 
tember, 1356, the illuftrious Black Prince fought the 
celebrated battle of Poitieis, in which the king of France 
was taken prifoner. This war was at length honour- 
ably terminated for England by the peace of Bretigny, 
ijgned in 1360. 

The young earl of Pembroke was fo highly efteem- 
ed by his fovereign, that he gave him in marriage his 
daughter Margaret, but 'the princefs did not long fur- 
vive the nuptials. The earl afterwards married Anne, 
who was daughter and finally heirefs of Sir Walter 
Manny, a veteran officer of the higheft merit, This lady 



being related within the third or fourth degree of con- 
fanguinity to the princcfs Margaret, the earl was oblig- 
ed to obtain a difpenfation from the pope to marry her, 
which coft him the excefiive fum of a thoufand golden 

So long as John king of France, with whom Edward 
had made peace, furvived, the treaty was honourably ob- 
ferved ; but his fuccefTor Charles V. furnamed the Wife, 
when he afcended the throne foon manifefted a difpofi- 
tion to renew hoftilities. For this purpofe, in exprefs 
violation of the terms of peace, he cited the prince of 
Wales to Paris to anfwer for fome pretended mifdemea- 
nors in the government of his own provinces. The 
high fpirit of that prince could not brook this indignity : 
he returned an anfwer that he would attend in Paris 
with his helmet on, and fixty thoufand men to vvitnefs 
his appearance. Upon this the king of France declared 
king Edward's provinces in France forfeited for contu- 
macy, and, to render the proceeding more irreparably 
injurious, fent the notice, not by a herald, but by a fcul- 

Thus, in 1369, war again broke out between England 
and France, Charles had not- courted this event with- 
out hating made fecret preparations for an advantageous 
outfet. He hired and purchafed (hips from all the 
powers in Europe, and meditated the invr.fion and de- 
flru&ion. of England. But although Edward was not 
equally prepared for war, and although his finances 
were confiderably deranged and the vigour of his go- 
vernment much impaired by the feeblenefs and want of 
exertion attending his advanced period of life, yet he 
was not in a fitnation fo helplefs as to give fuccefs by 
G 2 inertnefs 

84 JOHN t)E 

inertnefs to the proje6ls of his enemy. He fpeedily coP 
leted a fleet and army, and the French king, inftead of 
invading England, was obliged to exert all his force td 
defend his own territories againft the duke of Lancafter, 
Edward's third fon, and the earl of Warwick, who in- 
vaded him with a confiderable army. 

The duke of Lancafter had formed a plan for burning 
the whole French fleet in the port of Harfleur, but it 
was fruftrated by the count de Saint Pol, whofe vigilance 
and good fortune prevented the execution of the project. 
The ill health of the prince of Wales, and the difpofl- 
tion of the people in the conquered provinces, enabled 
the French king to gain many important advantages by 
land, and for two years an unfuccefsful war was waged 
againft an enemy whom the Englitli had been fo long 
accuflomed to defeat. The increafing illnefs of the 
Black Prince prevented his retaining the command of 
the army, and thofe who were fubfequently appointed 
wanted genius or vigour toreftore the king's affairs. 

Edward did not neglecVhis naval defence, but, having 
received liberal fupplics from parliament, equipped fe- 
veral fquadrons, which cruifed on the French coaft, and 
took many valuable prizes. The French befieged Rochelle, 
and the king, defirous of relieving fo valuable a port, 
lent out a confiderable fleet under the command of the 
earl of Pembroke, whom he alfo conftituted lieutenant 
^ of Aquitaine. The earl arrived at Rochelle on the 
eve of St. John the Baptift's day ; but his expedition 
was entirely unfortunate. A Spanifli fquadron, fitted 
out by the king of Caftile, lay in wait for him ; and as 
foon as he was got into the haven, and before he could 
form in a line of battle, attacked, and utterly defeated 



him. The whole fleet was captured, or deftroyed, and 
very few on board efcaped death, wounds, or imprifon- 
ment. The lofs was in every refpet prejudicial, and 
even fatal to the Englifh intereft, as among other veflels 
captured, was one with the king's treafare on board, 
for the maintenance of the war, to the amount of 
twenty thoufand marks. The earl of Pembroke him- 
ielf was taken prifoner, and carried into Spain. 

The fuperftition of the age {hewed itfelf in the 
fpeculations of the people on this unfortunate cataf- 
trophe. Some, becaufe it took place on the day of St. 
./Ethelred the Virgin, laid God's judgment followed the 
earl for the injury he had done to the church of that 
faint at Ely, in a caufe between the churches of Ely 
and Edmond's Bury. It was faid. too, that the mo- 
ney was unlucky, becnufe it had been obtained, from 
all the religious houfes and the clergy ; fome attributed 
the misfortune to the earl of Pembroke's diffipation, 
and his leading, an adulterous lite, although a married 
man a crime which, according to their notions of 
juftice, was yifited by the deitrudtion of a whole fleet. 
But the clergy, who took great care to attribute every 
difailer to the neglects or injuries they endured, aflerted 
that what had happened was a -punifliment on Pembroke, 
for having perfuadcd the king to lay a greater tax on 
the clergy than on the laity for the fupport of the war. 
And the annalift of thofe days gravely adds, that al- 
though this practice of pilling and poling the church 
was agreeable enough to the temporal lords, yet the 
fuccefs attending it was fqfficiently obvious to England, 
and the whole world. 

G 3 Thefe 


Theie ridiculous obfervations would hardly merit 
attention, but they fhew how ready men, who reafon 
but imperfectly on things the moft obvious, are to affign 
fupernatural caufes for every confiderable event; 
how eager they are to make the faints, and even the 
Deity himfelf, actively interfere in all fublunary affairs; 
and to what trifling and inefficient motives they afcribe 
a degree of refentment fufficient to produce the moft 
ftupendous and important effects. 

The public mind is feldom attached to merit inde- 
pendently of fuccefs; the opinions of the people fluc- 
tuate with every variation of fortune; and Edward's 
fubjefts forgot in his late difgraces all the glories of 
his reign. They were taught to feel anxiety at the 
overweening difpofition of the duke of Lancafter, 
whom they accufed of afpiring to the crown ; and to 
exprefs difapprobation at the influence which Alice 
Pierce, .the king's miftrefs, acquired over him, which 
they apprehended would reach to a dangerous pitch, 
and give to her relations and friends an undue influence 
at court and in the kingdom. 

A truce was at length agreed on, but not till Edward 
had the mortification to fee himfelf deprived of all his 
ancient pofleffions in France, except Bourdeaux and 
Bayonne, and all his conquefts, except Calais. 

The earl of Pembroke languifhed in captivity jn 
Spain four years, during which he was treated with the 
greateft inhumanity, and only obtained his enlargement 
at the interceflion of the conftable of France. This was 
merely an exchange of a more fevere for a lefs rigour- 
ous confinement. He was brought prifoner to Paris, 
where his health vifibly and daily declined, infomuch 
6 that 


that it was fuppofecl that he had been poifoned by the 

The conftable of France feeing his prifoner's end 
approaching, and eager to receive his ranfom, which he 
ionfidered the more juftly his due, becaufe he had taken 
him from the king ofSpain asan equivalent for a fumof mo- 
ney,attempted to remove him to Calais, but in his journey 
there the earl died, on the i6th day of Augaft 1375. 
His corpfe was brought to England, and interred at the 
Friars Preachers at Hereford, but afterwards removed to 
the Grey Friars, London. 

The end of Edward's reign was proportioned to its 
ominous commencement, rather than to the brilliant 
sera which conftitutes its middle period. He faw his 
beloved fon, the glory of the world, fink into the grave, 
undermined by long continued illnefs, at a premature 
age. He furvived his lofs but a twelvemonth, and, after 
a reign of fifty years, expired at Richmond, to the un- 
fpeakable regret of his fubje&s, who no fooner knew his 
lofs, than they learned to appreciate his virtues, and to 
feel in its full extent their own misfortune, 

The courfe of biographical narration is here fufpend- 
ed for a fhort fpace to review the period over which the 
reader has been led, and to examine thofe circumilances 
which now brought forth a new fyftem in the com 
mcrce, warfare, and politics of mankind 

No invention has contributed more to produce thefe 
extraordinary effects than that of gunpowder, which 
was difcovered about the year 1340, and from the 
cheapnefs and facility of its compofition, and the im- 
menfity of its operations, was foon adopted, in a partial 
G 4 degree, 


degree, by all nations. In the firft view of the fubjeft 
this invention would feem calculated for the exprefs 
purpofe of depopulating the earth, and furniming to the 
malignity of man the moft extenfive aud effectual means 
for the deftrudtion of his fellow -creature. This is thf 
impreffion which it makes on the imagination, and from 
this fentiment it has been treated by two of the greatefl 
poets in the world, Ariofto and Milton, as proceeding 
from the mind of an enchanter, and from the chief of 
the fallen angels himfelf. But when this apparently 
mifchievous invention comes to be deliberately con- 
fidered, with all the calmnefs of reafon, it will be found, 
in fact, beneficial to the human race. The principle of 
fclf-defence is much more ftrongly operative than that 
of extermination ; and, if the means of doing mifchief 
have been augmented by the ufe of gunpowder, thofe of 
protection have been increafed in a ratio fo much 
greater, that inftead of large tracts of land being now 
utterly depopulated by a victorious army, cities and 
towns are in general confidered fafe refuges in times of 
war ; and even when befieged, the defence, upon the 
lyftem introduced fmce artillery has been ufed, is fo 
certain, and the fall of the place befieged fo gradual, 
that every provifion is made for the fafety of the van- 
quifhed; and in the contefts of civilized nations it rarely 
occurs that the victor is driven to fuch extremities as 
to ufe with rigour all the advantages which fuccefs 
places in his hands. Hence humanity has become part 
of the practice of war, and the refufal of quarter, the 
maflacre of prifoners, and the exaction of ranfom, are 
entirely dilufud : in the field, the carnage is not nearly 
fo great in proportion to the number of combatants; 
the impreflion to be produced is calculated with greater 
certainty, and the combined operation of artillery and the 
3 bavonet 


bayonet are lefs deftrucYive than the crofs-bow, the 
long bow, the fpear, the fvvqrd, the battle-axe, and the 
mace, were in the hands of our iron-cafed anceftors. 
Edward ufed a few pieces of cannon at the battle of 
Qlfcfly, and to their operation much of the fuccefs of 
that day was attributed. The French king had fome 
cannon too, but their conftruclion was fo clumfy, and 
his eagernefs to overtake the enemy fo great, that he left 
them behind, flattering himfelf with a certain vidlory 
independently of their aid. 

At fea, where it might be fuppofed that the operation 
of guns would be irrefiftibly dreadful, the fame beneficial 
confequences have enfued. Ships are now formed of 
fuch a fize, and on fuch a conftru6lion, that a broadfide 
is lefs dreadful than afurious volley of (tones difcharged 
from machines in fuch a manner as by their weight and 
iinpetuofity to fink a fhip, and the failors, who are now 
guarded by every device ingenuity and experience can 
fuggeft, have lefs to fear from the whole force of the 
enemy, than thole of former times had from thofe 
fhowers of arrows which fell with certain defr.ruc~r.ion on 
their defencelefs heads. An event of modern date, com- 
parable only in a flight degree to the fea-fight ofFSluys, 
where near thirty-five thoufand lives were loft, would 
be regarded with a degree of horror almoffc inconceivable. 

Another difcovery of ftill greater importance to the 
interefts and welfare of mankind was the compafs, which, 
in the words of the poet, 

- ' directs the pilot's hand 
To Ihun the rocks and treach'rous fand ; 
By which the diftant world is known, 
/ad either India is our own. 



The powers which conftitute this wonderful machine 
were firfl afcertainecl in the year 1302, but the applica- 
tion was not rapid in proportion to its importance. 
When the ufe of the compafs was fully known, and the 
.benefits derived from it made a proper impreflion, a 
new light feemed to break in upon mankind. Then 
quitting the coafts to which he had before been obliged 
to confine himfelf, the mariner fearlefsly launched out 
into the unpracYifed defarts of the ocean. Then began 
an age of adventure and difcovery : thofe voyages were 
then made, and thofe lands familiarly explored by Euro- 
peans, which, if obfcurely alluded to in the works of 
poets or romance writers of a preceding period, were 
looked upon as the brilliant chimeras and impracticable 
delufions of the imagination, fcorning the fober reftraints 
ofreafon, and overleaping the boundaries of common 

The latter part of Edward's reign was not favourable 
to the commerce of England ; the frequent demands for 
Shipping in the courfe of his wars had prevented many 
of his fubjedh from fitting out their accuftomed quan- 
tity, and foreigners had begun to encroach on the 
carrying trade: they obtained a footing in England 
through the negligence of the merchants, who were 
afraid to equip veffels which might be prefled into the 
king's fervice, while thofe of foreigners were exempt 
from that apprehenfion. To this circurnftance, which 
damped the ardour of the firft of naval nations, may be 
attributed the tardy reception of the compafs into ge- 
neral ufe, and the flow progrefs of voyages of difcove/y, 
which were not profecuted in a manner which was 
calculated to produce important and extenfive benefit till 
the latter end of the next century. 



It may be proper here to relate what difcoveries were 
effected by Englifhmen, either from accident or defign, 
up to the end of Edward's reign ; and in fubfequent 
times thefe voyages will be found fufficiently important 
to claim the intereft of the reader at the periods when 
they occurred. 

Early hiftory is ever difgraced and obfcured by fic- 
tion, and pretences are made, and refolutely fupported, 
to the honour refulting from achievements and difcovc 
ries, which, infadr, is not to be juftly affigned to thole in 
whofe behalf it is claimed. Whether the following 
account is merely a refult of national vanity, or the 
narrative of a real fat, is left entirely to the judgment 
of the reader ; it wears fome appearance of probability, but 
is attended with many queftionable circumftances, and 
is not received by authors of the foundeft judgment and 
moft extenfive information*. 

About the year 1170, on the death of Owen Guyneth, 
prince of Wales, his t'tm >ns difputed the right of 
fucccilion, and prepared to vindicate their claims by 
force of arms. MADOC, one of the number, weary of 
this contention, and not wifhing to contribute to the 
depopulation of his country by a civil war, went on 
board a Ihip with a certain number of his adherents, to 
feek a more tranquil fettlement. He fleered due weft, 
leaving Ireland to the north, and arrived at length in an 
unknown country. It appeared to him fo defirable to 
form an eftablifhment in this new region, that he re- 

* See Lord Lyttleton's Hift. of the Reign of Henry II. Book V. p. 371, 
Dr.Robertfon's Hift. of America, Vol. I. p. 330. Hackluyt's Voyages, Vol. 
III. p. i. Lcdiard'., Naval Kifl. Vol. I. p. 13. Campbell, Vol. I. p. 194; 
and a vaft number of other authors. 



turned to Wales, and vaunting the exquifite richnefs, 
beauty, and fertility of the lands he had feen, reproached 
his countrymen for their folly in lofing. their lives in a 
quarrel for the barren mountains of Wales, while fo 
delicious an abode awaited them in another part of the 
world. This reprefentation induced many to join him 
in an expedition, and he went with ten fhips to take 
pofleffion of his new difcovered land. Thefe adventurers 
were never heard of afterwards; but when America was 
explored by Columbus, and other nations became anxi- 
ous to deprive him of the honour thus acquired, then 
fome Welch writers revived the hiftory of this expedi- 
tion, and infifted that Madoc was the firft European who 
failed to America. 

If it may be believed that Madoc actually made fuch a 
voyage as is imputed to him, there will remain many reafons 
to doubt that America was the place at which he landed. 
It is to be doubted whether in the twelfth century the 
Welch poffeffed (hips of a fufficient fize for the accom- 
plifhment of fuch a voyage, and it appears by no means 
certain, that if Madoc had reached to America by acci- 
dent, he could ever have found his way back again to 
Wales, and from thence have returned to America 
again. If chriftians had eftablifhed themfelves on that 
continent, it appears utterly improbable, that in fo fhort 
a fpace as three centuries all traces of that religion, and 
every veftige of European manners and cuftoms, mould 
have been utterly loft and eradicated from among their 

In fupport of their fancied point of national honour, 
the Welch with confiderable confidence advanced that 
many words ufed in America appeared of Welch deriva- 


tk>n, and bore analogous meanings in both languages* 
But fuch an argument, either in coincidence or oppofi- 
tion, carries very little weight in the eftablifhment of ail 
hiftorical fact. The origin of language is fo imperfectly 
underftood, that nothing in the nature of analyfis can 
prove the affinity of one diftant nation, to another in a 
nearer degree than their common derivation from one 
univerfal parent (lock. The inftance moil infifted on by 
the Welch is fomewhat unfortunate. The word penguin, 
which is the name of an American bird, is according to them 
compounded of two Welch monofyllables fignifying 
white-head. A derivative fo perfedt was long admitted 
as a ftrong circumftantial proof of the eorrectnefs of the 
Welch hiftorians, but the learned zoologift Mr. Pen- 
nant, who accurately defcribes this fowl, has deftroyed 
the hypothecs by ftating, that all birds of this genus have 
black heads; " fo that we muft reiign every hope," 
he adds, " of retrieving the Cambrian race in the new 

Some authors have attempted to compromife with the 
Welch, by admitting the truth of Madoc's emigration, 
and fuppoiing that the ifland of Madeira was the place 
diicovered by him. But even of this there is no certainty. 
The difcovery of that valuable ifland is by others attri- 
buted to an Englifhman named MACHAM, who landed 
there by accident in the year 1 344, It is faid than Ma- 
cham, having gained the affe&ions of a Portuguefe lady, 
perfuaded her to elope with him, and went on Ihipboard 
intending to have carried her to Spain. When they 
were at iea, a ftorm arofe, which drove the veflel en- 
tirely out of the intended courfe, and after encountering 

* Phil. Tran. Vol. LVIII. p. 91. RoberLfon's Hift. of America, Vol. f. 



great clangers, they landed at an unknown ifland, which 
was afterwards called Madeira. The crew, while Macham 
and his lady, accompanied by a few of their fervants, were 
on fhore, put to fea again, and left them in that defolate 

The lady foon died of ficknefs and fatigue ; and Ma- 
cham and his companions having performed her funeral 
obfequies, eredled a fmall wooden chapel which they 
confecrated to Jefus Chrift, and then made a fort of 
canoe of one fingle tree, which they laborioufly hol- 
lowed. In this they put to fea again, and gained the 
coaft of Africa. They were taken prifoners by the 
Moors, who lent them to the king of Caftile. The 
narrative of their voyage becoming generally known, 
infpired a great curiofity to improve and afcertain the 
difcovery of the new ifland, which was fpeedily effected 
under the aufpices of Henry king of Portugal. It was 
named Madeira from the quantity of wood with which 
it then abounded ; and it is alleged that the bay where 
Macham and his friends landed is Hill called after him 

In this narrative there are feveral improbabilites, and 
the account is not adopted by the abbe Raynal, or by 
Dr. Robertion, who give the hiftory of the difcovery of 
Madeira, without mentioning the name of Macham. It 
would be prefumptuous to aver that a narrative which 
does not originate in an Englifh author, and therefore 
may be read without fufpicion on the fcore of national 
vanity, is utterly untrue ; and as this account has been 
received by many writers of confi derable dilcernment, it 
ought not to be fuppreffed. It may however be obferved, 
that the derivative Machico does not add much tb the 



prefumptive evidence, fince there is in the territory of 
Spain, in the bay of Bifcay, a promontory called Machi- 
caco, from which the Portuguefe were much more 
likely to derive the name of a bay in their new fettle- 

Among the enterprises undertaken by Engliflimen for 
thepurpofe of extending by difcovery the limits of know- 
ledge, and the fphere of commerce, the labours and voy- 
ages of NICHOLAS DE LINNA hold a confpicuous place. 
This learned adventurer was a friar of Oxford ; he had 
made a great proficiency in aftronomy, and underftand- 
ing in a greater degree than his contemporaries the ufe 
of the magnetic needle, he refolved, in the year 1369, 
to make a voyage of difcovery to the north. When he 
had proceeded to a confiderable diftance further than any 
previous navigator, he left his companions, and went in 
fearch of new difcoveries, which he conftantly noted 
down, making {ketches of the countries he viewed, and 
diftinguifhing the indrawings of the feas. At his return 
he prefented his book to king Edward. It was inti- 
tled, Inventio Fortunata, or a difcovery of the northern 
parts from the latitude of fifty-four degrees to the pole. 

He made five feveral voyages after this, to perfect his 
difcoveries ; but fo uncertain is the prefervation of books 
before the art of printing was eftabliihed, that from the 
circumftance of no trace of his volume being found, 
and from fome fabulous accounts which are mixed with 
his hiftory, the voyages of Nicholas are alfo become 
fubjecT: to doubt. But, upon a candid examination, they 
feem fumciently authenticated to claim belief. The 
account of them is tranfmitted by John Dee, a great 
antiquary and (kilful mathematician ; and he obferves, 



that from the haven of Lynn in Norfolk, of which dd 
Linna, as appears by his name, was a native, it was but 
a fortnight's fail to Iceland. The paflage to Iceland 
was well known, and much ufed by the inhabitants of 
the northern part of England. It is not therefo e fur- 
prifing that a man of fcience fhould conceive and exe- 
cute the project of pufhing his difcoveries further than 
ignorant mariners could do, or could even believe, on 
any other teftimonies than their own fenfes. 

It appears very probable that de Linna's book, though 
perhaps gracioufly received, would not be highly prized 
by the king. A voyage to the north promifed neither 
pleafure nor profit ; no luxurious natives offered an 
eafy conqueft ; no mines or treafures promifed to in- 
demnify a monarch for the expe;ifes of an expedition 
of difcovery or colonization. Befides, at the time this 
learned friar returned, Edward was grown old ; the fire 
of enterprize was damped, if not extinguiftied ; his 
views were entirely directed to other objects, and a dif- 
clofure much more important to his immediate intereft 
than that prefented by de Linna would hardly make 
a great impreffion. 

The improbability of this adventurer's leaving his 
companions to proceed on his difcoveiies without them, 
may alfo occafion fome doubts. It is to be confiJered 
that the veflels in which he failed were not fitted out 
exprefsly for voyages of difcovery, but for the purpofes 
of trade, and when the mafters had accomplished the 
objects of their expedition, the curiofity of an individual, 
who could not promife an adequate compenfation, would 
not have a fufficient influence to induce them to profe- 
cute a voyage to the detriment of their own intereft. 



But de Linna, animated by the fire of genius, and the 
irrefiftible impulfe of a fuperior mind, could not be de- 
terred by fuch obftacles ; he purfued his original defign 
in fuch conveyances and at fuch periods as the country- 
enabled him to avail himfelf of, and thinking only of the 
end, forgot the difficulties of his progrefs. 

Vanity, flander, ignorance, or fuperftition, produced 
the greateft ground of difbelief in the truth of his adven- 
tures, by favouring the aflertion, that he went to the 
north pole by the aid of magic, or the black art. The 
prevalence of this (lory may have induced fome of de 
Linna's biographers, and particularly Leland and Bale, 
to omit all mention of his voyages, and of his book called 
Inventio Fortunata. They were unable to clear the nar- 
rative from the weeds of fiction, which had taken fuch 
deep root, and therefore forebore to touch on the fub- 
je6t. But the report that Nicholas made his difcoveries, 
by means of a commerce with fupernatural .agents, 
proves at leaft that the fadt of his being a great traveller 
was well known and generally accredited. 

That fuch a report fhould be raifed in an age fo igno- 
rant and fuperftitious, affords no room for furprife. The 
influence of the flars on human affairs was fo univerfally 
believed that any acquaintance with the motions of the 
heavenly bodies was fufficient to induce a fufpicion of 
forcery. Maps and charts were not yet in ufe, and a 
confiderable proficiency in geography was unattainable ; 
but the ignorance of the age with refpet to the fhape 
and defcription of the earth is almoft incredible. The 
following inftance affords a proof of its extent and ge- 
neral prevalence. Pope Clement VI. having, in 1344, 
created Lewis of Spain, prince of the Fortunate iflands, 
H meaning 


meaning the Canaries, then newly difcbvered; the Eng:- 
hfh embaflador at Rome and his retinue were feized 
with an alarm that Lewis had been created king of 
England, and actually hurried home to- convey the im- 
portant intelligence. When perfbns in fuch a high 
flation difplayed fo remarkable a degree of ignorance, it 
might be prefumed that England was deficient in femi- 
naries for inflrudtibn, or that thofe which exifted were 
utterly negledled ; but, on the contrary, in Oxford alone 
there were thirty thoufand ftudents. Their time was 
principally devoted to the ftudy of logic and fchool di- 
vinity, and therefore their fmall acquaintance with the 
more ufeful fciences is not to be wondered at. They 
had no refpe& for attainments which they were never 
inftru6led to purfue, and all knowledge which was not 
found in the limited circle which occupied their atten- 
tion was exploded as degrading, or ftigmatized as preter- 


( 99 ) 


FEW obfervations tending to eftablifh univerfal pofl- 
tions are univerfally true. Horace fays, 

Fortes creantur fortibus, et bonis; 
* * * * nee imbellem feroces 
Progenerant Aquils Columbam. 

But hiftory frequently difproves this aflertion, and in no 
inftance more ftrongly than that of Richard II. king of 
England. Richard was the offspring of the illuftrious 
Black Prince, but was far from being endowed with his 
valour, generofity, prudence, or patriotifm. The con- 
trad between them was fo great, that in Richard's mif- 
fortunes, his fucceflbr, the ufurper Henry IV. re- 
proached him with his father's example, and his own 
degeneracy, and took occafion from thence to revive, or 
perhaps invent, a ilory derogatory to the honour of the 
mother, who before her marriage was called the fair 
maid of Kent. 

Richard II. was born at Bourdeaux, and his father 
dying during the life-time of Edward III. that monarch 
was obliged, in order to quiet the folicitude of his fub- 
jecls, to declare in parliament that his grandfon was his 
lawful fucceflbr. Richard was but eleven years old when 
H 2 his 


fits grandfather died ; he was neverthelefs univerfalfy 
acknowledged, and his coronation performed with un- 
^'xampled fplendour. 

A fhort time before his death Edward had recom- 
menced hoftilities againft France. The feeble govern- 
ment of a regency was peculiarly favourable to the 
defires of the enemy, and the French and Scots com- 
mitted great depredations both by land and fea. The 
French pillaged the ifle of Wight, and burned Haftings, 
Plymouth, Portfmouth, Dartmouth, and Rye. They 
alfo made a defcent near Dover, and in all quarters car- 
ried off a confiderable booty. In 1378, the Scots ra- 
vaged the eafrern coafls, under the command of one 
Mercer, and plundered and took a great number of 
Englifh (Lips. The regents and their adherents, intent 
on ichcmes of perfonal ambition and aggrandizement, 
took no meafures to protect the kingdom againft thefe 
a6ts of rapacity, but indolently permitted the enemy to 
infeft the feas, and annoy the coafts without impedi- 

To the honour of the metropolis it is recorded, that the 
firft check they received in this career was from John Phil- 
pot, a merchant and citizen of London. This patriotic 
individual fitted out a number of frigates at his own ex- 
pence, and going on board his little fleet in perfon, at the 
head of a thoufand men, fet fail in purfuit of Mercer. 

He foon had the good fortune to encounter him, and 
in a fpirited engagement defeated his whole fleet, made 
him prifoner, and recaptured all the Englifli veflels 
which had fallen into his hands, befides feveral French 
and Spaniuh fhips richly laden. 



Philpot was rewarded by the judgment of his aflbciatcs 
in this expedition with fifteen Spanifh veffels and their 
cargoes, which amply indemnified him for the expences 
of the armament. The government, who had not fpirit 
or vigilance enough to at with vigour in the defence of 
the nation themielves, felt a mean jealoufy at feeing 
their vacant office ufurped by an individual, and on 
his return, inftead of being received in triumph, and 
crowned with oak, as he had richly deferved, he was 
taken up and imprifoned for having levied forces without 
a proper authority. 

But the contraft between his condoft and that of the 
government was too glaring for them to permit it to be 
made a topic of public inveftigation. They caufed him 
to be examined before the privy council. His anfwers 
were fo full of fpirit and wifdom, that, inftead of the 
punifhment with which he had been threatened, he was 
difmified with thofe thanks which ought to have been 
paid him without hefitation. He lived to enjoy the 
efteem of all his fellow citizens, who faw him without 
envy blefled in the poflefiion of that wealth which he 
had acquired, by relinquifhing for a ihort time the 
character of merchant, to affume the higheft which can 
be claimed by any man, that of protedlor and avenger 
of his fellow citizens. And in thofe days, when com- 
binations were formed with impunity for the moft 
illegal, unjuft, and opprefllve purpofes, the governors 
would have merited a much higher eulogium, if, in- 
ftead of affecting to be very fcrupulous in this inftance, 
they had diftinguifhed between the patriotic motives 
which led him to a momentary tranfgremon of the law, 
H 3 and 


and thofe dishonourable compacts which fet it at de- 
fiance ; by To diftinguiuYmg, they would not have af- 
forded encouragement to illegal combinations, but would 
have held out the moft inviting encouragement to thofe 
of an oppofite tendency. 



"SiR JOHN ARUNDEL was the fecond fen of Richard 
earl of Arundel, who, in the I3th of Edward III. was 
conftituted admiral of the weftern feas ; he alfo held 
under that monarch many high and important com- 
miffions; and, while a fpe&ator, was no inglorious con- 
trrbutor to the fplendid battle of Crefly. 

The comparative ina&ion of the latter days of Ed- 
ward III. and the minority of his fucceflbr, had a very 
unhappy influence on the naval exertions of the country. 
A king, difpirited by lofles, enfeebled by affliction, and 
in whom enterprize and hope were nearly extinguiflied, 
was not calculated to counteract the ambition or the 
malice of his neighbours ; nor -did the -fvrft years of 
Richard If. under the contending views of his uncles, 
and the felf-interefled fpiritofhis minifters, exhibit a 
more promifmg attention to the public profperity. 

At fuch an aera, it was the fate of Sir John Arundel 
to be marmal of England ; in the retinue of Woodftock , 
earl of Buckingham, uncle to the king; and retained 
to ferve his fovereign at fea, with 300 men at arms, and 
200 archers. 

In the latter end of June, 1376, fix days after the 
deceafe of Edward III. the French, after infelling our 
fhores with fifty (hips, landed at Suflex, and burned the 
town of Rye. Encouraged by this fuccefs, and being 
under no apprehenfions of oppofition, they landed in the 
ifie of Wight on the 2ift of Augufi. The even* but 
H 4 too 


too well anfwered their defigns ; for, though Sir John 
Arunclel exerted every nerve to thwart them, the infe- 
riority of his force could only enable him to drive them 
from Southampton, which they attempted with great 
lofs. Spirited as was the repulfe which they here ex- 
perienced, it came too late to fave the ifle of Wight ; 
which was pillaged, and in part burned. The enemy 
exjj&ed from the inhabitants one thoufand pounds as a 
tribute for not completing the conflagration ; nor wa& 
the force under Arundel adequate to the purpofe of pre- 
venting the further incurfions of the foe ; they after- 
wards burned Haftings, attempted Winchelfea, and ex- 
tended their incurfions to Lewes. 

A fleet was at length fent out, under command of the 
earl of Buckingham. This equipment was deftined tft 
intercept the Spanifti fleet in their voyage to Sluys : 
but this firft ferious attempt to affert our greateft pride 
and ftrength, the fuperiority of the feas, was ren- 
dered abortive by contrary winds ; Buckingham twice 
attempted to put to tea, and as often returned into 

About the fame period, the duke of Bretagne was in 
England, foliating aids of Richard : and towards the 
clofe of 1379, thefe fuccours being ready, they were put 
under the command of Sir John Arundel. The whole 
fquadrcm was moft unfortunately fhipwrecked the 
1 6th of December, fome on the coafts of Ireland, a part 
on thofe of Wales, and a third on the (hores of Corn- 
wall. Sir John Arundel was among thofe who pe- 

It is ftated, that before he fet fail, Sir John had plun- 
dered the country people, which conduit brought their 



bittereft imprecations on his head ; and although the 
feaftof St. Nicholas took place on the 6th, and Sir John 
did not perifti till the i6th of the. month, his death was 
attributed to the vindictive exertions of the faint, who, 
it was faid, had now heard and anfwered the merited 
curfes of the good. Many innilar anecdotes might be 
recited from the periods now under review ; and, trivial as 
they would in all probability be confidered by fome, yet 
are they far from uninterefting. Reflecting minds will 
perhaps be led to contrail the fuperftitions of different 
ages, and to obferve the migration of the fame fpirit into 
bodies varioully formed, and modes feemingly oppofite. 
Such characters may thus guard themfelves againft the 
impofition of words ; they will not take appearances 
for realities ; and they cannot but perceive how remote 
the bulk of men are, in all times, from that found 
and beneficial philofophy which fome ages would ex- 
clufively arrogate. 

Sir John Arundel was fummoned to parliament the 
fiiTt, fecond, and third years of Richard II. He mar- 
ried Eleanor, daughter of John Lord Maltravers, and 
fifter to Henry Lord Maltravers, by whom he had one 
fon named Jokn, whofe fon became afterwards earl of 



THE FITZALANS were an ancient family, and be- 
came heirs to the earldom of Arundel, by marriage, 
during the reign of Henry III. The title continued iij 
their line, notwithstanding all the attaints ami reverfes 
of the civil wars, as late as the time of queen Elizabeth. 
.Richard was the elder brother of Sir John Arundel, 
whofe memoirs are already traced. 

Richard earl of Arundel heartily coincided in the mea- 
fures of the duke of Gloucefter, and was entrufted by 
that regent with many diftinguiihed offices. At the be- 
ginning of the minority, he was made admiral of th 
king's fleet to the weitward, and this command was 
almoft immediately extended to the force which was 
deftinexl to aft fouthward, in conjunction with the duke 
of Lancafter. 

The firft naval exploits of Arundel occurred in his 
pafTage fo Normandy, where he . was ordered, in 1378, 
to take pofleflion of Cherbourg, a port ceded to the 
Englim by the king of Navarre ; and though they had 
the misfortune to meet and engage a very fuperior fleet 
of Spaniards, this did not prevent him from gaining 
Cherbourg, and afterwards burning feveral merchantmen 
in St. Malo. He had even lain fiege to the latter place, 
and was only prevented from taking it, by his being 
obliged to return home, on information that the French 
had availed themfelves of his abfence to ravage the 
Coniiih coafts. 



Many caufes concurred in reducing the kingdom to 
that deplorable ftate which emboldened the enemy to 
a6ls of invafion, when an expedition to the continent 
left us conftantly expofed to the incurfions of an enter- 
prizing foe. Foreign merchants, whofe goods were 
convoyed in foreign bottoms, were encouraged to the 
great detriment of the natives. This mode of convey- 
ance, it is eaiily to be conceived, by leflening the de- 
mand of Englifh merchant fhips, muft have operated 
directly againft our marine: and, if to this we add thQ 
uncealing calls which had been made during the late 
reign on this part of the fubjecls' property for the 
fcrvice of government, we can be at no lofs to account 
for that dilemma into which the nation was ib fpeedily 
brought by fuch powerful and difaftrous caufes. 

In fome meafure to remedy this evil the parliament, 
in 1381, pafled what has been juftly denominated 
the Firft Navigation A6t. This at., by ordering that 
all Englifh merchants fhould freight none but Englifh 
/hips, on penalty of forfeiting all goods difcovered in 
foreign bottoms, was intended to remedy the want of' 
fhipping, by rendering the building indifpenfable to 
trade And there is nothing that can place in a ftronger 
light our moft unnatural debility of naval power, than 
the circumftance that at firil the parliament were ob- 
liged to limit the effe6t of the navigation act. Englifii 
merchants were now permitted to freight foreign bot- 
toms where they could not be provided with Englifh, 

The duke of Buckingham having gone over to 
Calais with the Englifh grand fleet, in an attempt upon 
France, fome French and Spanifh gallies began to com- 
mit depredations on our coafts ; when, however, they 



were attacked, greater part of them taken, four hun- 
dred of their men flain, and twenty -one Englifh {hips 
recovered by the Engliih and Irilh, after being driven 
into Kingfale by a fmall weftern fleet. 

Scotland was not all this while unmindful of her 
general enmity to England. Robert Stuart, king of 
that country, added to the common principles of war, 
that mutually harafled the two nations, fuch a predilec- 
tion for France as almoft indicated a courfe of unvarying 
hoflility. He had received from the French fifteen hun- 
dred men at arms, to affitt him in his incudions againtr. 
the Engliih. The regency were ferioufly alarmed ; 
they levied an army of fixty thoufand men, and the 
young king, whofe fortitude in confronting Wat Tyler 
and his infurgents had excited univerfal expectations of 
future ability, was dcitined to humble the Scots. 

Richard entered Scotland by Berwick, and, deftroying 
all in his way, reached Edinburgh, which alfo he re- 
duced to allies : proceeding to Perth and Dundee, he 
deftroyed both, and then made his way back ; very con- 
trary to the advice of his beft officers, who wifhed him 
to intercept the army of French and Scots, which was 
returning from their irruption into Cumberland, Weft- 
moreland, and Lancafhire. The earl of Arundel, who 
attended this expedition, difgufted at the king's con- 
tlu6t, immediately afterwards requefted leave to travel, 
and to continue in foreign parts as long as himfelf 
ihould think fit. Probably the crifis, which he muft 
have difcerned to be near, delayed, and finally threw 
afide his defign of quitting the realm. 

Diffenfions between the French and Scots enfued upon 
this affair. France was diifatisfied with the mode of 

Scott iih 


Scotti Hi warfare, and, as the wrelling of fea-ports from 
England had ever been a favourite object of all her 
\vars, Charles VI. refolved to endeavour on his own 
footing fomething more conducive to the interefts of his 
flates, than had refulted from his alliance with Scotland. 
Xo this end, in 1385, he made extenfive preparations, 
which had for their avowed objects the invafion and fub- 
jugation of England. Thefe threats were attended to 
by the regency, who raifed an army, according to fome 
authors, of three hundred thoufand men ; and who fent 
out fo powerful a fleet, as to induce Charles, at kait, to 
defer the execution of his projects. 

This fleet, commanded by the earl of Arundel, cruif- 
ingon theweftern coafls of ''France, met with a fleet 
of French, Spanifh, and Flemifh. merchantmen : the 
earl captured one hundred fail, laden principally with 
wine. Previous to this dawn of naval fuperiority, the 
inhabitants of Portfmouth fitting out a fleet, cleared 
the feas of fomc Gallic veflels, ftationed to interrupt the 
trade with Flanders, and a little fquadron was no lefs 
fuccefsful in attacking eight Frenchmen with fifteen 
hundred tons of wine on board. Thefe fuccefles could 
not fail to revive the ancient claims of the nation to the 
dominion of the feas: Robert Belknappe, an eminent 
judge, declared, that the fea was as much the king's as 
his crown. 

Happy would it have been for the nation if the 
qualities of their king had b^en fuch as to infure the 
continuance of that energy, which feemed at lafc to 
animate the people. But Richard II. if not a bad, was a 
feeble monarch. He had his favourites, a weaknefs to- 
tally incompatible with any vigorous exertion of 4he 



mind. Robert de Vere, earl of Oxford, a youth of. 
noble family, and agreeable perfon, but of the moft 
diffolute manners, was the firft whom he fo improperly 
diftinguifhed. He created him marquis of Dublin, a 
title unknown in England, then duke of Ireland, grant- 
ing him the fovereignty of that country for life : he 
next married him to his coufm-german ; and carrying 
his predilection beyond all reftraints, permitted him to 
repudiate that lady, though ot a moll excellent and unim- 
peachable character, and to marry a Bohemian with whom 
he became enamoured. All favours paffed through his 
hands : he was the fole medium of accefs to the mo- 
narch ; the centre of all hopes, and the difpenfer of all 

Gloucefter, always anxious for his own fafety, began 
to fear the confequences of this attachment. Of his 
own want of favour he could not doubt, for he had in 
too many infbnces thwarted the inclinations of his 
nephew, to overlook the probable effects of de Vere's 
afcendancy, He therefore was the firft to found the 
nobles on the fubjet of the favourite, and fortunately 
perceived that he was not without companions in dif- 
guft ; but that feveral illuftrious perfonages, among 
whom was the earl of Arundel, would moft readily 
affift in hurling the young minion from his eminence. 
Michael de la Pole, earl of Suffolk, lord chancellor, 
and one of the duke of Ireland's prime friends, was the 
firft deftined to feel the refentment of thefe powerful 

Though the king, forefeeing thefe meafures, had 
drawn to Eltham, the commons foon obliged him to re- 
turn, and to countenance the proceedings againft Suffolk. 



They refafed to raife fupplies for the defence of the ftate 
againft a threatened invafion from France, unlefs the 
king returned to their deliberations; and one member 
even went fo far as to call for the record of the parlia- 
mentary depofition of Edward II. thereby plainly inti- 
mating what Richard might expetSt, Should he venture 
any longer to oppofe the didtates of trie confederacy. 

De la Pole's difmiffion did not accomplish the views 
of the nobles. From the chancellor to the crown it 
was an eafy tranfition, and Richard foon found himfelf 
fettered by one of thofe bodies called commiffions, which 
ever fince Richard I. had repeatedly aimed at reducing 
the king to a cypher. The commiflion conlifted of 
fourteen perfons, all in Gloucester's intereft, to whom, 
for a twelvemonth, the whole of the royal prerogatives 
were effectually configned, though Richard had now 
attained the twentieth year of his age. 

The duke of Ireland is accufed of traducing the con- 
duct of the earl of Arundel, and it has been faid, that 
the favourites " growing more infolent, and the 
king being totally guided by them, they confpired the 
death of divers great perfons, of which this earl was 
one*." This account favours ftrongly of party ; the 
whole evidence of hiftory moft undeniably fliews that 
violence originated with the regency ; that Richard, 
though certainly culpable in adopting fuch a mode of 
defence, was driven into the protection of a favourite 
through the tyranny and ufurpations of his uncle, Glou- 
cefter, who had no other purpofe in view than that of 
keeping the king in perpetual minority, and retaining 

* See Dugdale's Baronage, art. Earl of Arundel, and the authorises there 
referred to. 



the government in his own hands. Richard could nei- 
ther be ignorant of this intent, nor was it to be expected, 
coniidering the natural warmth of his temper, together 
with the extreme difficulty of his fituation, that he 
ihould diffemble his knowledge of fo 
alarming. By the advice of his few friends, the judges 
were privately convened to decide on the legality of the 
commiliion : they uniformly declared it a manifeft in- 
fringement of the kingly office, contradictory to the 
fpirit of the Englifh coniVitu'tion, and iubverlive of all 
regular and effective government ; and they figned this 
their opinion in prefence of the archbifhops of York and 
Dublin, the bifhops of Durham, Chichefter, and Ban- 
gor, Vere duke of Ireland, DC la Pole earl of Suffolk, 
and two counfellors of inferior quality. 

This tranfaclion found inftant vent ; it completely 
alarmed the Gloucefter intereft ; and their terror in- 
creaied with the meafures enfuing on the decifion. 
Richard difpatched the earl of Northumheiland to Rie- 
gate, where Arundel then refided, with orders to ar- 
reft him : and Arundel owed his fafety to that force 
which he had the precaution to collecl:. Report ftates, 
that fecond mefiengers were fent off, with orders to 
murder this obnoxious earl. Diflimulation becoming 
no longer neceflary or practicable, each fide dropped the 
mafk. The peers in confederacy met at Haringay Park, 
near Highgate, accompanied by an army which Richard 
and his friends dared not encounter. Demanding the 
difmiffal of his prefent advifers, they, in a few days 
after, repaired into the king's prefence, accufmg, by 
name, the archbifhop of York, the duke of Ireland, 
the earl of Suffolk, fir Robert Trefillian, and fir Ni- 
I cholas 


cht>las Brembre. They threw down fheir gauntlets be- 
fore the king, and offered to maintain the truth of their 
Charge by duel. The parties accufed had either with- 
drawn or concealed themfelves. 

The duke of Ireland, who had fled to Chefhire, le- 
vying fome troops, advanced to relieve the king; but 
Gloucefter encountered him in Oxfordfhire, with much 
fuperior force, routed him, difperfed his followers, and 
obliged him to fly into the Low Countries, where he 
died in a ftate of exile a few years after. Five great 
peers, men whofe combined power was able at any time 
to fhake the throne, the duke of Gloucefter, the king's 
uncle ; the earl of Derby, fon of the duke of Lancafter ; 
the earl of Arundel ; the earl of Warwick ; and the 
earl of Nottingham, marefchal of England, entered be- 
fore the parliament an accufation on appeal, as it was 
called, againlt the five counfellors whom they had al- 
ready accufed before the king. 

Moft of the counfellors thus inculpated, not attend- 
ing their citations to appear before the houfe of peers, 
were, after a very fhort interval, without invefligating 
a charge, or examining a witnefs, declared guilty of 
high treafon. Sir Nicholas Brembre having gone 
through the farce of a trial, was condemned, and exe- 
cuted with fir Robert Trefilian, who, being appre- 
hended during the examining of fir Nicholas, was hur- 
ried to the fame fcaffold without a hearing. Nor did 
the judges efcape ; they were, for their opinion on the 
commifllon, at firft fentenced to death, which was, 
however, mitigated into banifhment, and they were 
ihipped to Ireland. And fir Simon Burley, who had 
been tutor to Richard, and who was generally beloved 
J and 


and refpeled, foon experienced his part in the tragedy. 
He was condemned to die. Neither the prayers and 
entreaties of the queen, who was fo univerfally cfteemed 
as to be entitled the good queen Ann, and who re- 
mained three hours on her knees befeeching the inexo- 
rable Gloucefter to fave Burley ; nor the tendernefs 
with which Richard was known to regard him, a ten- 
dernefs arifing purely in motives of gratitude and friend- 
fhip, could avert his doom. Amidft thefe changes, 
Arundel was appointed, by the parliament, governor of 
Breft in Britanny, and the king's lieutenant in thofe 
parts; and alfo, being admiral, captain-general of his 
fleet at fea : he was at the fame time appointed to treat 
of peace with the duke of Britanny. 

On his return from fulfilling the laft appointment, 
1387, he took, burnt, and funk, about eighty French 
freighted (hips. He afterwards plundered the ifles of 
Rhe and Oleron, and then returned to England. A 
truce for three years, between the two crowns, fol- 
lowed this event. 

The king foon refolved to emancipate himfelf from 
th power of Gloucefter, and executed his projedl with 
unexpected promptitude and vigour. In lefs than twelve 
months after his entire fubmiflion to the coalefced peers, 
he declared himfelf, being twenty-three years of age, 
fit to aflame the reins of government, and determined 
to a6t for himfelf j difplaced thofe who had princi- 
pally oppofed him, and removed even Gloucefter from 
the council table. 

Arundel was previoufly deprived of his admiralfhip. 

It is fuppofed that fome diflenfions which happened 

among the confederates produced this extraordinary: 

4 change. 


change. The earl, immediately on his return from his 
laft fuccefsful cruife, being again difcontented, obtained 
licence to travel with twenty perfons of his retinue, and 
to be abfent as long as he fhould think fit. This fa6l 
fupports the conjecture of a difunion in the party. 
Arundel's friends and colleagues were all in power when 
he came home from his laft expedition into France; 
the very men who loaded him with honours before he 
failed : and furely fome unufual difference muft fubfill 
at the time of his return, to caufe that degree of difcon- 
tcnt which induced him to abandon the realm. 

This period is diftinguifhed by the return of the duke 
of Lancafter, one of the king's uncles, from Spain, to 
which country he had repaired in 1386 to profecutc his 
claims to the crown of Caftile. His nephew, fupported 
by the parliament, had very liberally granted to Lan- 
cafter the means 01 afierting this right, in which alfo he 
was countenanced by the Portuguefe. Twenty thoufand 
men, of whom two thoufand were men at arms, and 
eight thoufand archers, with a fuitable fleet, enabled 
him to take feveral places in Gallicia, and, finally, to 
mafter Compoftella. But the whole expedition had no 
other effet than that of inviting the danger of a French 
invafion by the abfcnce of fuch great forces from Eng- 
land ; fortunately the elements were not in alliance with 
the enemy. Twelve hundred and eighty-feven of his 
fliips, charged with fixty thoufand fighting men, were 
fo difmembered by a ftorm which they encountered 
October 31, 1386, as to become utterly incapable of 
their deftined talk : numbers foundered at fea, others on 
the.Englilh coafts ; fome were captured by the the go- 
I 2 vernor 


vernor of Calais; and thofe which efcaped into their 
own ports were in too difmal a plight again to venture 
on the ocean. A very uncommon machine is {rated to 
have been on board the fleet ; it was made of timber, 
and in joints; it was three thoufand paces in length, 
twenty feet high, and had at the end of every twelve 
feet a turret ten feet higher, large enough to contain 
ten men. The contrivance of this inftrument (its in- 
tent is not eafily afcertainable) is attributed to an out- 
lawed Englimmaru 

Thofe civil commotions which had fo often clouded 
the profpecls of the king were bat partially fubfided. 
His own conduct too effectually ferved the wiflies of 
his opponents ; and the reftlefs Gloucefter foon found 
a very popular theme, on which, once more, he en- 
deavoured to regain that afcendancy of which events 
had fo unexpectedly deprived him. 

In 1396 the courts of France and England agreed to 
terminate a conteft which had proved unfortunate to 
both fides. Breft was reftored to the duke of Britanny, 
Cherbourg to the king of Navarre ; each party was left 
in pofleffion of fuch places as he held at the time of 
concluding this agreement; and to render the whole 
binding, Richard, who had become a widower, was 
betrothed to Ifabella, daughter of Charles. The prin- 
cefs was only feven years of age, but the political rea- 
fons were fufficient to counterbalance this difparity of 

The odium excited by this truce with the French, 
for a truce it was called, according to the ufage of thefe 
times, though intended to laft twenty-five years, was 



mftantaneous and general. Of this, as xvell as the cir- 
eumftance of Richard's attachment to two new fa- 
vourites, the earls of Kent and Huntingdon, Gloucefter 
did not fail to profit. He boldly arraigned the truce 
with France, afcribing it to the inglorious inactivity of 
the prefent reign, and went the length of debating the 
lawfulnefs of throwing off all allegiance from a king 
who had fo bafely agreed with the ancient and inveterate 
enemy of his country. His effrontery procured him. 
what he wifhed the applaufe and fupportof the people. 
It was not to be concealed, it was faid, that the duke 
was the only man calculated to reflore the fplendour of 
ancient fuccefs, and to humble, inftead of pacifying, the 

Richard took the alarm which thefe whifpers, and his 
uncle's conduct, very naturally infpired : and, as the 
truce lately concluded with France was the great theme 
of Gloucefter's inflammatory fpeeches, that court foon 
advifed fuch meafures on the part of Richard as were 
perfectly agreeable to his own feelings on the fubjecl. 
An order being iffued for the arreft of Gloucefter, he 
was feized, put on board a fhip, and conveyed to the 
caftle at Calais under cuftody of the governor of that 
place, where, as it appeared on examination in the next 
reign, he was fhortly after fuffocated with pillows by 
his keepers. So high and fo popular a prince could not 
have been tried without endangering the peace of the 
realm ; and the king was unwilling to riik a meafure fo 
pregnant with mifchief. 

Whatever contentions had recently difunited the par- 

tizans of Gloucefter, they were now to be combined in 

I 3 adverfjty, 


ndverfity. The feizure of the earls Warwick and Arun- 
del took place almoft at the fame time with the arreft of 
their leader. Arundel, it appears, f ore fa w the florm, 
and wiihed to flicker himfelf from its vengeance by re- 
tirement : he procured a difpenfation from attending all 
public bufmefs, and was employed in the care and im- 
provement of his own patrimony, when fecuredby the 
king's meffengers. The earl of Arundel was enticed 
into cuflody, or, iuch was his power atr this time, that 
he could have faved himfelf, and refcued his fiiends. 

Warwick and Arundel were foon tried, and convicted 
of high treafon. Warwick, on account of his fuh- 
mifllve deportment, was only banifhed to the ]fle of 
Man for life; but Arundel, though he pleaded the 
king's pardon, both general and particular, was fentenced 
to be beheaded, on the fcore of his former appearance in 
arms at Haringay Park. This fentence was executed in 
Cheapfide ; Thomas JVIowbray, earl marfhal, who had 
married Arundel's daughter, binding his eyes ; and the 
earl of Kent, his own nephew, guarding him during 
the ceremony ! Theie circumfbnces greatly affected 
him : he told thefe relatives, " It had been much more 
fit that they fhould have abfented themfelves ; for the 
time will come," he continued, " when as many {hall 
wonder at your misfortunes as they now do at mine." 
The king was prcfent at the execution. 

His body was interred at the Friars Auguftins in 
London, and his lands were beftowed on Thomas Mow- 
bray and the earl of Kent ; the former of whom the 
king advanced to the dukedom of Norfolk, and the 
latter to be duke of Surrey. By Elizabeth, daughter of 



William de Bohun, earl of Northampton, he left three 
fons, Thomas, Richard, and William ; and four daugh- 
ters, Elizabeth, who had four hufbands; Joan, Mar- 
garet, and Alice, who had each one hufband. His 
elder fon, Thomas, was reftored to blood by the revo- 
lution that ended Richard's reign and life. And in the 
firft year of Henry IV. the judgment againft. Richard 
carl of Arundel was reverfed. 

1 4 SIR 

( 120 ) 




THE honours accruing from a long and iliuftrious 
line of anceftors are undoubtedly due to the family of 
de Percy. From Mainfred de Percy, who at a very 
early period went from Denmark into Normandy, tp 
Geffrey, whofe two fons, William and Serlo, in the 
fourth generation from Mainfred, accompanied the con- 
queror in his defcent upon this ifland, the houfe of 
Northumberland may be clearly and lineally traced. 
Of the Percys thus attending the Norman, William, 
furnamed Algernon, was the beft efteemed, and the 
moft rewarded by his matter. He continued alfo in 
favour with William Rufus, in whofe reign A Igernon, 
founded an abbey of Benedi&ines at Whitby, to which 
abbey, dying in the Holy Land, he was finally brought 
for interment. William, the fifth from Algernon, fig- 
nalized himfelf in continual and obftinate engagements 
with the Scots, during the reiga of Stephen ; and with 
him the male line of de Percy became extinfl. His 
four fons dying in his life-time without iffue, the family 
inheritance was diftributed between Maud and Agnes, 
his daughters. Agnes married Jofceline de Lovame, 
on the exprefs condition tha; he ihould aflfume the name 



and arms of de Percy. Maud, her fifter, died foon after 
Richard, the elder ion of Jofceline and Agnes, came to 
the patrimonial poiTeffions ; and thus all the eftates of 
de Percy were once more united in the regular order of 

In thofe difputes which agitated the realm during the 
reign of King John, Richard took fo confpicuous a part, 
efpccially in obtaining Magna Charta from the king, 
that he was among the number excommunicated by the 
pope, for what his holinefs ftyled faction and fedition. 
Succeeding heirs of the de Percys obtain the peculiar 
notice of hiftory*. Henry de Percy, in the reign of 
Edward I. bore an arduous fhare in the Scottifh wars. 
Henry, his fon and fucceflbr, reforted to the queen 
Ifabel, on her landing to reform the court of Edward II. 
and was by her entrufted with many effective fituations: 
he was in the great fea-fight off Sluys, in the reign of 
Edward III.; foon after he defeated the Scots, and made 
Pavid, their king, his prifoner; and he was held in very 
high eftimation during the whole of his life. His elder 
fon, who alfo was a Henry, fhared the glory of the 
memorable battle of Creffy; and is diftinguiflied as the 
father of Sir Thomas Percy, the fubjeft of the prefent 

* The following is an amufnig inftance of the ftrangc tenures by which 
effotes were held in the feudal times. Henry de Percy, a defcendant of the 
family, married Ifabel, fitter of Peter de Brus, of Skelton. The marriage 
portion was the manor of Lrkenficld, near Bcverley in Yorklhire ; and the 
tenure by which this eftate 'vas to be held ran thus " He, or his heirs, were 
to repair to Skelton caftle every Chriftmas-day, to lead the lady of that cattle 
from her chamber to the chappel, at mafs, and thence to her chamber again ; 
;uvi) after dining with her, to depart."' 



Sir Thomas, being a younger fon, had only the manor 
of Foxton left him by his father as a fupport ; his bro-> 
fher, Henry, inheriting the principal property. Sir 
Thomas was uncle to the celebrated Hotfpur, whofe 
father, Henry, juft named, was created earl of Nor- 
thumberland by Richard II. at his coronation. 

Family connexions fo extenfive and fo important as 
thofe which the Percys were from time to time enabled 
to form and eftablifh, entitled them to great eflimation. 
Their private alliance was eagerly fought by the higher 
ranks of fociety, and their public intereft was almoft as 
affiduoufly cultivated by the king. Sir Thomas Percy 
enjoyed no common fhare of the confidence of the three 
fovereigns under whom he flourished. Edward III. 
granted him a life annuity of one hundred marks, in 
eonfideration of fervices for which he confidered himfelf 
perfonally indebted to his exertions ; and a funi-lar grant 
was at the fame time made out on account of the Black 
Prince, who did not conceive himfelf lefs obliged than 
his father to the merits of Sir Thomas Percy. 

He affifted at the coronation of Richard II. and in 
1377, the year following this ceremony, was created 
Admiral of tbe North Seas. 

His firft naval fervice was effected in 1370. Aflb- 
ciated with Sir Hugh Calvely, he was appointed to con- 
voy home the duke of Britanny, who had been folicit- 
ing aids of Richard. In performing the firft object of 
this conVoy, Percy fell in with feven fhips laden with 
wine, and one man of war, all which he fcnt fafely into 
Briilol, and fpeedily accomplilhed the purpofe of his 
voyage. Sir Thomas was alfo on board the fleet fent 
fliortly a/ter to fupport the duke of Britanny. The 



fate of this fleet is detailed in the memoirs of the earl 
of Arundel : but there are circumftances attending that 
event which belong exclufively to the prcfent fubjcft. 
Separated from the other members of the fleet, and 
nearly fhipwrecked, he was aflailed by a Spanifti cruifer: 
this veffel, after an obftinate contefl: of three hours, was 
boarded by the English, and brought fafe to land. 
Percy fold his prize for one hundred pounds, and putting 
again to fca, reached Calais ; of which place lie and Sir 
Hugh Calvely were governors. 

In 1380, being appointed to command the fleet 
deftined againft France, he failed to Calais, I9th July, 
with a large army under the duke of Buckingham. 
This army was to have taken its route through France 
into Bretagne, to co operate with the duke of Britanny. 
1 hey experienced but a faint degree of oppofltion, com- 
mitted many depredations in their courfe, and had not 
the duke of Britanny thought fit to conclude a truce 
with the court of France while the English were haften- 
ing to his fupport, this expedition might have been 
crowned with a fuccefs fomcvvhat adequate to the ex- 
pectations it had raifed at home. 

Breft having been delivered into the hands of Richard, 
as a fecurity for remunerating his endeavours in the 
caufe of the duke of Britanny, Sir Thomas was ii> 1381 
made governor of that cnltle and port. In 1383 he was 
again conftituted admiral, from the Thames northwards, 
and continued, with a very liberal appointment, in his 
government of Breft. And when, in the fame year, 
preparations were completed for the fervice of Lancafter 
in his war with Spain, Sir Thomas was made admiral 
of the fleet appointed to conduct the duke and his forces. 



On his return from this expedition he was conflituted 
juftice of South Wales, and in this fituation obtained 
of the king grants of land to a confiderable amount. 
He continually received from the king frefh proofs of* 
munificence and regard. In 1391 he was Steward of 
the Houfehold, and both in this year and in i ^93 he 
was fent ambaflador to France, on occafions of the highefl 
moment : and, in further reward of his fervices, on the 
feaft of St. Michael 1396, he was created earl of Wor- 

The earl was retained to ferve the king in Ireland, 
with 40 men at arms and 100 archers ; made admiral of 
the fleet of that realm ; and was at the fame time releafed 
from all debts, accompts, and arrearages of accompts, 
rents and arrearages of rents, with which he flood 
charged. Conftituted Admiral, with powers never granted 
to preceding commanders, Vice-Chamberlain, Steward 
of the Royal Houfehold, holding many other confpi- 
cuous trufts, and by the king confulted on every emer- 
gency, the earl of Worcefter at length flood on a par 
with his brother of Northumberland. 

The periods of Englifh hiftory now brought to view, 
are melancholy in the extreme. Accuftomed to the 
jnpftimable bleflings of fixed laws and a regular mo- 
narchy, we are precluded from experiencing the dif- 
ferent forms which civil fociety undergoes in its procefs 
towards refinement and flability ; and the miferies that 
characterized the early flages of our government. It 
was the deftiny of Richard II. to live in one of thefe 
periods, and to feel its accumulated evils : to terminate 
in darknefs and famine, at the age of thirty-four, an 
.exiflence commenced under the bondage of his uncle, 



and which had been uniformly marked by continued 

The diicontents excited in England by the truce with 
France, fpeedily extended to Ireland. Richard had 
often made expeditions into this country, where ths 
hope of profiting by the king's unpopularity now tempt- 
ed the malcontents of Dublin to renew their infurrec- 
tions with more than ordinary boldnefs. Roger Mor- 
timer, earl of March, prefumptive heir to the crown, 
for Richard had no children, became, unfortunately, 
the firft victim of the infurrection. The king had 
given March the fupreme ftation in Ireland, dreading 
the cabals that might arife from fo near a relative in 
England, fo that the medium whereby he fought fecurity 
proved the caufe of his deftruction. Had March lived 
in England it would have been his highcft intereft to 
protect his auguft kinfman from the defigns of his ene- 
mies, and to have fruftrated, inftead of affifting, their 
intrigues. To avenge his death, Richard collected a good 
body of troops, and two hundred fhips, and landed at 
Waterford in the fpring of 1399, purpofmg to inflict on 
the rebels a puniftiment fuited to their crimes. Wor- 
cefter, as admiral of the fleet for Ireland, attended in the 
prefent expedition. 

Soon after his landing the king received intelligence 
that the young duke of Lancafter was arrived in Eng- 
land, accompanied by the earl of Arundel, and a retijiue 
of fixty perfons, to aflert his claims to the eftates of his 
father the great John of Gaunt, which had been feized 
by the king. 

Richard haftened from Ireland, and landed at Milford- 
Haven, with 60,000 men, but learning that the earls of 



Northumberland and Weftmoreland, two of his moft 
potent nobles, had joined Lancafter, that the people 
were inclined to rebel, and finding his own army 
continually deferting, till from fixty it had di mini fried to 
fix thoufand men, he refigned all thoughts of maintaining 
the crown, and fled to the Ifle of Anglefea. From 
thence he determined to proceed to France or Ireland, 
and await better fortune. But he was lured from his 
retreat by Northumberland, who, inftru&ed by Lan- 
cafter, made fuch profeffions as induced Richard to yield 
himfelf to his enemies. The delufjon was inrtantly dif- 
pelled ; Richard was lodged in the tower of London, 
whence he was afterwards removed to Pom fret caftle. 

Amidft this preflure of misfortune a trait of great 
magnanimity is recorded of Richard. Perceiving the ill 
turn of his own affairs, he di unified the earl of Wor- 
cefter from following him, conjuring him to " referve 
himfelf for better times." 

At his firft landing, Lancafter difclaimed any defign 
beyond the mere reparation of his own perfonal wrongs. 
But if his views were at firfl loyal and innocent, fuccefs 
foon determined him to retain every poffible advantage 
refulting from his popularity. A parliament devoted to 
his purpofes found no difficulty in framing a fet of 
accufations againft their late mafter. When thefe ar- 
ticles were read to the houfe, there appeared but one 
illuftrious diflentient; the biihop of Carlifle was hardy 
enough to aiTert the caufe of a degraded monarch. The 
houfe, on Carliile's expulfion, who was arrefted by order 
of Lancafter, and carried to the abbey of St. Albans, 
unaniinoufly voted the deposition of Richard, for mea- 
fures, mofl: of them, which they had either counfelled 


or ratified. The throne being thus vacated, Lancafter 
afTumed the vacant diadem the 28th of September 1399, 
and the ceremony of his coronation was performed the 
331!) of October. 

A few days fubfequent to the coronation of Hen- 
ry IV. the duke of Northumberland made a morion in 
parliament relative to their treatment of the depofed 
fovereign, and it was immediately ordered that he fhoukl 
be imprifoned under a fecure guard, in fotne fecret place, 
and deprived of all intercouife with any of his friends 
or partisans. It was eafy to forefee the cataftrophe to 
which fuch a fentence inevitably led; and therefore, 
when Richard was removed to Pomfret caftle, and died 
there on the I4th of February, in the next year, the 
moft ignorant might judge by what means his days 
vvere terminated at the early age of thirty-four. 

The premature death and cruel treatment of Richard 
gave birth to feelings, which, though they did not be- 
nefit him while living, had an effect favourable to his 
character. When Northumberland afterwards threw 
off his allegiance to Henry, at the inftigations of the 
earl of Worcefter, he gave out that Richard was yet 
alive, and with them, and that in his name they took 
up arms; which fictitious pretences did really ftagger 
many, for a great part of the common people flood cor- 
dially affected to Richard, efpecially thofe who knew 
him, and had obtained gifts and fees at his hands. 

As it would have been neither fafe nor honourable 
for Henry to have entirely overlooked thofe who had 
elevated him to the regal eminence, the earl of Wor- 
cefter was in 1401 conllituted the king's lieutenant for 
north and fouth Wales. Shortlv after, fome fymptoms 



of hoftility being evinced by France with a defign on 
the Englifh in Guienne, the earl was fent over with 
fuch force as induced the French to defifl from their 
projects ; and Worcefter was created governor of the 

Notwithftanding the many reciprocal obligations 
fubfifting between Henry and the Percys, for he had 
appointed Northumberland his conftable for life, and 
conferred various favours on other branches of the 
family, no cordiality did in fat fubfift. The fubjeft 
thought his fervices infufficiently recompenfed, and the 
fovereign was equally anxious that no great addition 
fhould be made to that power which had already depofed 
one-raonarch and raifed another to the fupreme dig- 
nity. In an engagement with the Scots, in 1402, 
wherein that people were utterly routed, their great 
earl Douglas, Mordac, eaii of Fife, nephew to the 
Scottifh king, and many of their firfl nobles, were made 
prifoners by Northumberland, and the famous Hotfpur, 
"his fon; thefe Henry defired him to retain, as the means 
of an advantageous treaty with Scotland : but North- 
timberland infifted upon his right to their ranfom, 
according to the ufages of war. In his refentment he 
fet Douglas at liberty, and even entered into alliance 
with him againft the king, and they contrived to en- 
gage in the fame interefts Glendower the Welfli chief- 
tain. But Northumberland being taken ill at the head 
of his army, was obliged to delegate the command 
to Hotfpur. 

The earl of Worcefler, who was the prime iniligator 
of thefe meafures, quitting the king's household, foon 



joined his celebrated nephew; and the whole force pro- 
ceeded towards Shrewfbury. This movement was 
deiignedtc efredl a junction with Glendower; in which, 
however, they failed through the celerity of Henry's 
operations, who had the fortune to come up with them 
near Shrewfbury, before their union with Glendower 
had taken place. The Percys had about twelve thou- 
fand men, chiefly raifed in Scotland, under the badge 
of Richard, whom, as before related, they now re- 
ported to be alive : the army of the king was nearly 
equal in numbers. Hearing of the near approach of 
the royal troops, Hotfpur prepared for vigorous action. 

" A manifffto was fent to the king, charging him 
with the perjury by which he had gained the throne; 
with his having dethroned, and then murdered, king 
Richard ; and with his continued ufurpation of the title 
belonging to the houfe of Mortimer ; with fundry griev- 
ances exercifed towards the people, over whom he thus 
ufurpingly reigned; and finally, with packing a parlia- 
ment, the circumftance which himfelf had enumerated 
as a peculiar blot in the character of Richard II." 

This manifefto was not calculated to allay the ani- 
mofitics of the combatants ; neverthelefs, Henry, the 
evening previous to the battle, which took place on July 
21, 1403, deputed the abbot of Shrewfbury, and the 
clerk of the privy feal, with overtures of a more pacific 
nature. Hotfpur, moved by this procedure, fent the 
earl of Worcefter to rep re fent their defires to the king, 
and treat for a redrefs of grievances. Henry very cor- 
dially afTented to the juftice of many of the earl's re- 
quefls ; he even acceded to fome propofals hardly to be, 
expccled from a monarch fo tenacious of his throne and 
K dignity ; 


dignity ; but all to no effect Worcefter was hoftile to 
every plan of reconciliation, and, on his return to camp, 
fo mifreprefented what had paffed between himfelf and 
the king, and thereby fo effe&ually exafperated the im- 
petuous and confident fpirit of Hotfpur, that the fword 
only was from that hour mentioned as the arbiter of 
their fatal quarrel. The enfuing narrative of the battle 
is given in the words of an ancient author. 

" This battle, which began on the eve of St. Mary 
Magdalen, 1403, was fought with extraordinary courage 
on both fides; infomuch as, great flaughter enfuing, 
many of the royalifts forfook the field, fuppofmg the 
king had been flain. 

" In which heat Hotfpur himfelf, and the earl Dou- 
glas, whofe valour was beyond expreffion, bent all their 
aim at the perfon of the king, with their fwords and 
lances, furioufly making towards him ; which being 
difcerned by the carl of Dunbar, he withdrew him (the 
king) from his ftation, whereby his life was then faved ; 
for they flew his ftandard-bearer, and thofe who were 
with it, and miffing of him (the king), moil defperately 
charged into the midft of their enemies ; whereupon Hot- 
fpur fuddenly fell, though by what hand is not known: 
whofe death immediately occafioned an utter route of 
his whole party, in which the earl Douglas was taken, fo 
likewife the earl of Worcefter, the unhappy inftrument 
of all this mifchief." 

" Henry the king," fays another writer, " expofed his 
perfon in the thickeft of the fight : his gallant fon, 
whofe military achievements were afterwards fo re- 
nowned, and who here performed his noviciate in arms, 
iignalized himfelf on his father's footfteps, and even a 



wound which he received in the face with an arrow 
could not oblige him to quit the field. There are faid 
to have fallen that day, on both fides, near two thoufand 
three hundred gentlemen : but the perfons of greateft 
diflindliori were on the king's. About fix thoufand pri- 
vate men periihed, of whom two thirds were of Percy's 

The earl of Worcester was not long permitted to fur- 
vive the carnage of this dreadful day. He was beheaded 
at Shrewfbury ; and his eitates in the courfe of a few 
years were granted to the earl of Northumberland. 
Neither did the prefent earl of Northumberland, whofe 
hiftory has been fo intimately interwoven with the life 
of the earl of Worcefter, his brother, ever recover thefe 
reverfes in the fortunes of his houfe. Though he was 
abfolved from all participation of his Ion's rebellion, on 
joining Henry, after the affair at Shrewfbury, he never 
could obliterate from his heart the remembrance of Hot- 
fpur, nor conceal that pain which the confequent exe- 
cution of his brother had indelibly inflicted on his 
mind. He joined afterwards in the infurrecYion of the 
earls of Nottingham and Weflmoreland ; but efcaping 
their doom by a flight into Scotland, in 1407, he again 
fallied forth from his retirement, and entered the north 
in arms. Being attacked at Bramham by Sir Thomas 
Rokefby, {heriff of Yorkfhire, the earl with lord Bar- 
dolph was flain, and his few followers utterly broken. 




FEW families have rifen more inflantaneoufly from 
obfcure and contracted circumftances into opulence and 
fame, than that of Edmund earl of Kent. To anti- 
quity they had an undoubted claim : they were ancient 
in the reign of John, and then well known in Lanca- 
fhire ; hut they were not pofleffed of riches till the days 
of Edward I. From that period they rapidly afcended 
in the regions of fortune and honour. In the time of 
Edward III. Thomas de Holland fignalized himfelf in 
every war; he was admitted to the order of the garter 
at its inftitution, in confideration of his extraordinary 
valour. He married Joan *, the daughter of Edmund, 
and fjfter of John earl of Kent, and in her right claimed, 
and obtained, the earldom, which defcended to his heirs. 
- Edmund earl of Kent was grandfon of Thomas de 
Holland, and fucceeded to the title and eftate while yet 
a minor; his elder brother, named Thomas, having 
been beheaded by the people of Cirencefter while en- 
deavouring to excite them to rebellion againft Henry IV. 

Many infults were experienced in the commence- 

* Before" her union with Thomas de Holland, Joan had been divorced from 
the earl of Salifbury ; and the year following the earl of Kent's dcccafe, for 
ihe outlived 'him feveral years, flie became the wife of Edward the black, 
prince, who left her piincefs dowager of Wales. 



merit of the reign of Henry IV. at the hands of our old 
enemies, the French, before they felt that return which 
their conduct had long provoked. Even while the 
court was yet occupied with rejoicings on the king's 
fecond marriage with Joanna of Navarre, widow of the 
duke of Britanny, they effected a defcent on the Ifle of 
Wight, under the earl of St. Pol. Here, though their 
numbers enabled them to achieve fome temporary de- 
predations, they met with fuch refiftance from the inha- 
bitants, as obliged them to feck protection in their 

This did not difcourage them from another attempt. 
Aware of the internal difcords of England, and rightly 
concluding that the monarch could not pay due atten- 
tion to their irruptions while employed in quelling the 
infurre&ion of the Percys, a few months fubfequent to 
their attack on the Ifle of Wight, they landed at Ply- 
mouth, and burned that town. Henry became juftly 
alarmed ; and as he could not equip a force adequate to 
a regular oppofition of the enemy, and wiflied not to 
offend the regency of Bretagne, from whom the laft 
attack had proceeded, he gave fecret orders to the inha- 
bitants of Plymouth to fend out a fquadron, as of them- 
felves, under the command of William de Wilford, then 
admiral of the narrow feas. De Wilford, failing to the 
coafts of Britanny, took forty fail laden with iron, oil, 
foap, and wine, and burnt to the fame amount in their 
harbours ; landing at Pen march, he deftroyed that place, 
and afterwards ravaged the whole coaft of Britanny. 

This fuccefsful expedition had not the defired effect. 

De Cartel, admiral of the Flcmifh and French fleets, 

in the midft of de Wilford's fuccefs, vifited the Ifle of 

K 3 Wight; 


Wight ; but finding that a landing was impracticable, 
he fteered for Devonihire. More fortunate in this at- 
tempt, he attacked Dartmouth, and teemed awhile at- 
tended with prolperity ; but the militia having affem- 
bled from all parts in 'great flrength, de Ca.lel was 
taken, four hundred of his men were flain, and two 
hundred made prifoners. His (quadron, to revenge this 
difgrace, ftill continued to infeft the coafts ; and in this 
fituation having captured fome Englifh. veflels, they 
barbaroufly hung every feaman found on board. 

Edmund earl of Kent was immediately difpatched to 
chaftife the Flemings, even while the refult of their 
Dartmouth expedition remained as yet undecided. En- 
tering the port of Sluys, he took, after a gallant refifl- 
ance, three Genoefe merchantmen of arTunufual fize, 
who were lying at anchor in the harbour. Continuing 
his courfe along the Norman coafts, he looked into all 
their ports, and effecting continual landings, burned no 
lefs than fix and thirty towns, and at length returned, 
with an immenfe booty, to Rye. 

This exploit, which he performed in 1405, had a very 
favourable influence on the fubfecment fortunes of Kent. 
In 1406, he married Lucy, daughter of the duke of 
Billaine : this wedding was folemnized in the priory of 
St. Mary Ovey, Seuthwark, and kept, with great fplen- 
dour, at the houfe of the bifliop of WincHefter. The 
fame year he was joined in feveral important commif- 
fions; and in 1407 he was made lord admiral. 

A plague breaking out in London in the year 1407, 
the king retired to Leeds caftle, in the county of 
Kent. His affairs calling him into Effex, he embarked 
at Queenborough with only five (hips. He had not 


OF KENT. 135 

proceeded far on his paflage, when he was attacked by 
a fquadron of French privateers, who, after a warm en- 
counter, took every veffel excepting that on board o^ 
which was the king. This efcape naturally directed 
him to the importance of naval fuperiority. He ordered 
the immediate equipment of a powerful fleet, which, 
when prepared, was put under the command of the 
earl of Kent, his admiral. 

Kent failed in the fummer of 1408. His inftru&ions 
were, to clear the feas ; to make a defcent on Britanny ; 
and to harafs the enemy in every poflible manner. 
The firft of thefe objects he erMually accomplifhed; 
then, {landing over to Britanny, landed in the little ifland 
of Brifach. Proceeding to the town .of the fame name, 
he took it by ftorm ; and feizing the pirates who had fled 
thither for flicker, put them all to the fword. An event 
fo propitious to his country, proved, however, fatal to 
the earl. In the courfe cf thefe actions he received a 
wound on his head, from the arrow of a crofs-bow ; 
and of this he died, September 20, 1407. His remains 
were conveyed home, and depofited among thofe of his, 

K 4 SIR 


THIS officer, of whofe family no certain accounts 
are preferred, diftinguilhed himfelf, very early in the 
reign of Henry IV. by his fucceiTes againft the pirates. 
He was never highly in favour with his fuperiors. 
When he had freed the narrow feas from plunderers it 
\vr.:, faid, that he had appropriated fo much ot the booty 
to himfelf, as rendered him little better than thofe from 
whom he had taken it. The exertions againft Pender- 
gaft were fo violent, though the populace were cla- 
morous in his behalf, that he was obliged to take fanc- 
tuary in Weftminfter ; from which, however, he was 
foon relieved, and reftored to that profeffion of which 
he was truly an ornament. 

Sir John commanded in the channel during the year 
1412. On this ilation he made feveral prizes laden 
with provisions " which," fays an old writer, " got 
him little reputation with the nobles, *but much love 
from the people, who by this means enjoyed plenty of 
French commodities at a very cheap rate." 

Betides WILLIAM DE WILFORD, of whom mention 
is made in the life of Edmund earl of Kent, there are 
feveral naval characters, ornaments of the reign of 
Henry, of whom no biographical accounts are to be traced 
at this diftance of time, but ought not to be paffed with- 
out notice and honour. When the French, in aflifting 
Glendower, made a powerful attempt on Wales in 1405, 



Lord BERKLEY, and HENRY BE PAY, attacked them 
in Milford-Haven, took 14, and burnt 15 of their fhips. 
And war being declared againft the Scots in 14.11, SIR 
ROBERT UMFREVILLE, Vice-admiral of England, 
failed to the Firth of Forth, ravaged both fhores for 
fourteen days together, and burned the largeft fhip of 
Scotland, called the Great Galiot. On his return he 
took fo many {hips laden with corn, and thereby fo re- 
duced the price of that article, that he obtained the 
furname of Mend -Market. 




called in the 6th of Henry IV. but better known by the 
appellation of earl of Huntingdon, was related to the 
great earl of that name, \vhofe memoirs are given in a 
preceding page. 

This earl having already diftinguifhed himfelf in the 
frequent contefts fometimes with Scotland, and at 
other times with France, which occupied the reign 
of Henry IV. was now detained to a& a more import- 
ant and confpicuous part in the wars of his country. 

Henry V. was but recently feated on the throne, 
when France became an object of his attention. He had 
many motives for making attempts on that country. 
His predeceflbr had tampered with the oppofite French 
factions, and availed himfelf of their mutual hatreds ; this 
was marking out to Henry the moft advantageous path 
he could poflibly tread. The late king conjured his fon 
not to permit the Englifh too long an indulgence in the 
eafe and affluence of peace, fuch indulgence being apt 
to breed inteftine commotions, and to engender difpofi- 
tions inimical to the fubordination which is requifite to 



good government ; but to employ them in foreign wars; 
and efpecially to avail himfelf of thofe advantages which 
the itate of France exhibited to her enemies. 

The temper of the new monarch, difpofed him to 
make no delay in the execution of his father's injunc- 
tions. In 1415, about eighteen months after his accef- 
fion, he embarked with his army at Southampton, Au- 
guft the 1 9th, and, landing at Havre de Grace, laid 
fiegc to Harfleur, which furrendered after a refinance of 
five weeks. His fuccefles were foon checked by the 
ravages of the flux ; and 'inftead of that hope which 
profperity at firft infpired, he now felt concerned only 
to fave the remains of his enfeebled army. 

With this view he refolved to gain Calais by the 
route of Picardy. No other way offered for his efcape, 
as he had, confident of fortune, difmifled his fleet the 
inftant he fecured the landing of his troops. But 
this determination prefcnted as many obftacles as the 
fituation in which he was involved. A French army 
of fourteen thoufand men at arms, and forty thoufand 
foot, commanded by the conftable d'Albert, oppofed 
his retreat. This army, befides its fuperiority in health, 
food, and fpirits, was by its numbers fufficient to accom- 
plifli the deflruc~tion of Henry's forces. 

To extricate himfelf and his foldiers from their de- 
plorable condition, and to avoid, what might well be 
apprehended by him, to be a hopelefs effufion of human 
blood, Henry proffered his conqueft of Harfleur on con- 
dition that he might proceed unmolefted to Calais. 
This the conftable abfolutely negatived, and Henry, 
compelled to fight under eyery difad vantage, gained 
I the 


the memorable battle of Agincourt; a vi&ory that 
has ever been moft defervedly ranked, viewed both 
as to the circumftances of the engagement and the 
confequences of its decifion, with the triumphs of 
Creffy and Poicliers. The earl of Huntingdon attended 
the king, and llgnalized himfelf in the exploits of that 
glorious day. 

Henry, in 1417, purpofing a more effective irrup- 
tion into France, thought it prudent to clear the feas 
previous to his own failing; and Huntingdon, with a 
powerful fleet, was directed to perform the king's com 
mand. Near the mouth of the Seine, he had the 
good fortune to meet with the combined fleets of France 
and Genoa, which he inflantly engaged. The con- 
teft was extremely obftinate, the Genoefe being the 
firft and moft powerfully conftructed veflels of thole 
times: at length, victory, which had for fome time 
feemed doubtful, once more crowned the Englifh ; 
they took four of the Genoefe {hips, made prifoner the 
Baftard of Bourbon, the French admiral, and found 
on board a vefiel captured from the Gsnoefc a quarter's 
pay for the combined navy. 

During the minority of Henry VI. the earl of 
Huntingdon accompanied the duke of Bedford to 
France with fuccours, in 1427. After this, the earl 
attended young Henry to his coronation in Paris. The 
retinue entered that city in December 1430, where 
Henry was crowned by the cardinal of Winchefter, 
with all due folemnitics. Henry had been proclaimed 
on the death of Charles VI. of France, who was almoft 
all his life a lunatic, Henry VI, of England, and 



Henry If. of France, the French lords then at Paris 
fwearing the ufual allegiance. 

This is the laft public capacity in which the carl 
of Huntingdon acted. He died July the 3Oth, 1431, 
leaving by Ann his wife, daughter of lord Botreaux, 
John, his fon and heir. 



JOHN, DUKE OF BEDFORD, whether contemplated 
as a ftatefman, as a military, or as a naval commander, 
forms one of the rnoft illuilrious characters that ever 
adorned the Englifh annals. He was the third fon 
of Henry IV. while duke of Lancafter, by Mary his 
firft wife, daughter of Humphrey de Bohun, earl of 

On the 1 3th of October, 1399, Bedford received the 
honours of knighthood at the hands of his father. 

In 1402 he was appointed by his father cohltable of 
England, and governor of Berwick upon Tweed : in 
1414, he was created by Henry V- his brother, earl of 
Kendal, and duke of Bedford, and divers grants were at the 
fame time made out for the fupport of his new dignities: 
in 1415, Henry being engaged in his French war, con- 
ftituted Bedford lieutenant of England, a high truft, and 
one which he afterwards frequently held during the 
king's abfence from home: and in 1416 he was made 
general of his majefty's forces both by fea and land. 

But, important as were the fervices of Bedford in the 
ftate, Henry's affairs could no longer difpenfe with his 
brother's affiftance in fcenes more a6live and hazardous. 
The firft attempt made by the French to recover the 



difgrace of Agincourt was the fiege of Harfleur; where 
Henry, being obliged to quit France, had left the earl of 
Dorfet in command. AtTiftances derived from the 
Genoefe enabled the French to mufter a formidable 
fleet, with which, before they invefted Harfleur, they 
ventured over to the Englifh coafts, and attempted 
Southampton. Being repulfed by the duke of Bedford, 
the fleet immediately proceeded to the blockade of Har- 
fleur. Dorfet, inverted on the land fide by the conftahle 
in great force, and blocked up at fea by Narbonne with 
the whole of the French navy, found himfelf in a very 
perilous condition ; fo much, in fa&, was he now ftrait- 
ened, that nothing (hort of a powerful and inflantaneous 
relief could in any wife prove efficacious to his fafety. 

Henry was not ignorant of the critical flate of his 
general, nor inactive in providing the means to extricate 
him. Bedford was unremittingly employed in flattening 
the relief of Dorfet. Four hundred fail, and 20,000 
men, under the duke's command, were difpatched to 
cfFetl this important object. They entered the Seine 
in a moment of the moffc painful anxiety to their be- 
lieged countrymen, and found Narbonne and his Ge- 
noefe, far fuperior in number and ftiength, lying before 
the haven of Harfleur, and prefling the fiege with an 
alarming vigour. A view of the enemy's petition con- 
vinced the duke that the moll: determined exertions 
would be requifite to the relief of the place. The 
French confidered themfelves perfectly fecure, but the 
Engliih began the attack with bravery, fuftained it with 
fortitude, and finifhcd it with the mod memorable fuc- 
cefs. Five hundred of the enemy's veflels were either 
taken or funk, together with five of thofe Genoefe 



fhips, called carracks, which, from their uncommon di- 
menfions and power, it was thought by the enemy the 
Englifh would have not ventured to engage. Twenty 
thoufand of their men were flain. On this great naval 
action, which was fought in 1416, the whole Englifli 
fleet entered the port in triumph; and the conflable, 
hearing of the victory, felt it prudent to raife the fiege 
of Harfleur, and immediately decamped. 

The king, in the enfuing year, 1417, went to France. 
His army confifted in part of troops in his own imme- 
diate pay, and in part of forces raifed by his barons : of 
the firft there were fixteen thoufand four hundred men, 
of the latter nine thoufand one hundred and twenty- 
feven ; and of this army about a fourth part were horfe. 
To tranfport them from Dover, a navy was prepared of 
one thoufand five hundred (hips, of which two were 
very remarkable. They feem to have been both ad- 
mirals, and were equally adorned with purple fails, em- 
broidered with the arms of England and France; one 
was ftyled the king's chamber, the other his hall ; from 
whence it plainly appears that he affected to keep his 
court upon the fea, and to make no difference between 
his palace and his fliips royal. 

While the king was in France, 1421, his queen, 
Catharine, daughter of Charles VI. was delivered of a 
fon '* at Windibr, afterwards Henry VI. to whom the 

* When news was brought the king of his fon's birth, he was difpleafed at 
the place of his nativity, having ftri&ly forbid the queen to lie-in there. Turn- 
ing to the lord Fitz.-Hugh, his great chamberlain and confidant, he prophe- 
tically exclaimed : 

*' I, Henry, born at Monmouth, fhall 

Small time reign and much get ; 
But Henry of Windfor fhall long reign and lofe alb 
But, as God will, fo be it. 



duke being in France, wa3 made governor of Nor- 

In May 1422 Catherine joined her hufbancl in France, 
juft in time to witnefs his end : this great prince died at 
Vincennes the 31 ft of Auguft. His malady was a 
fiftula, a diforder to the treatment of wh\ch the medical 
fkill of that age was utterly incompetent. He expired in 
the thirty-fourth year of his age, after a diftinguifhed 
reign of nine years, five months, and eleven days. 

Finding that his end approached, he fertt for the dukes 
of Bedford and Exeter (before earl of Dorfet), the earl 
of Warwick, and a few of the nobility, to whom, with 
great calmnefs, he delivered fuch directions as he judged 
requifite for the conduct of the ftate pending the prince's 
minority. He recollected, with fatisfadion, the bril- 
liancy of that reign which was about to terminate, 
though he exprefied a regret that the meafures of his 
opponents fhould have caufed fo great an expenfe of 
human lives. Turning to Bedford and Exeter, he 
conjured them to the ftricleft fr.iendfh.ip ; to feek the 
welfare of his fon, by improving the good-will of his 
ally the duke of Burgundy ; to confole his widow* ; to 
educate the prince with care, and ferve him with fidelity. 
He concluded thcle inftru6Uons, declaring it as his will 
that the regency of France (hould be vefted in his elder 
brother, the duke of Bedford ; that of England to his 

* Catherine of France, Henry's widow, married, fan after his Je.itfi, a 
Wcllh gentleman, Sir Owen Tudor, faid to b: defcended from the ancient 
princes of that country. She bore him two fons, Edmund'and Jafper, of 
whom the eldeft was created earl of Richmond, the ftcond earl of Pembroke. 
The family of Tudor, raifed to diftindlioa by this alliance, afterwards.afcend- 
ed the throne of England. 

L younger, 


younger, the dukeofGloucefter ; and the care of his fon's 
perfon he committed to the earl of Warwick. Me 
then went through the ufual folemnitiesof a dying man. 
Such was the life and death of Henry V. a prince whofe 
early courfes were thought to portend a difgraceful and 
difaftrous reign, but who in the end difappointed the 
forebodings of the timid and malignant, and exceeded 
the mod fanguine hopes of his affectionate adherents. 
His character comprized as much heroifm, and, after his 
[ reformation, exhibited as little frailty as is incident to 

The parliamant, fhortly after the deceafe of their lite 
monarch, taking his laft defines into their cognizance, 
agreed to alter, in fome meafure, the nature of the ap- 
pointments which he had made. Inftead of regent, 
they conftituted Bedford protector or guardian of Eng- 
land, inverting the duke of Gloucefter with the charge 
during his elder brother's abfence. They alfo, as a fur- 
ther reftri&ion on the powers of thefe peers, appointed 
. a council, without whofe advice and approbation no 
meaiure of real importance could be undertaken. Ex- 
tending their thoughts to the" prince, they nominated 
Beaufor-t bifhop of Winhefter, inftead of Warwick, to 
the fuperintendance of his education, and to the pre- 
fervation of his perfon. 

The death of Charles VI. which took place in a 
few weeks after that of Henry V. made a confiderable 
alteration in the afpeft of French affairs . Charles VII. 
who fucceeded his fathe/, although pent up within a 
fmall portion of his own foil, was yet the true heir of 
the French monarchy. He had none of thofe mental 
imperfections which degraded his predeceflbr ; and his; 



difpofition, if it did not evince the fpirit of a martial 
determination calculated inftantly to retrieve his affairs 
and to grafp the falling diadem, pofieffed all that fweet- 
nefs and affability which render diftrefs univerfally in- 
terefting, and attach thofe by affection whom no other 
motive could excite to a participation of danger and 

The duke of Burgundy, relenting at the miferies to 
which his paffions had fubje&ed his country, began 1 alfo 
to abate in his friendfhip to England. Paris foon felt 
the change : and as its inhabitants were devoted to Bur- 
gundy, they prepared to ferve the caufe which he 
efpoufed. Advices were fent to Bedford, of the enemy- 
being fecretly 'lodged in the country round the capital ; 
that they continually annoyed the Parifians; were con- 
certing fome formidable plot, and ought to be fought 
out and difperfed. All which was faid, in truft that the 
duke of Bedford, leaving the metropolis, to purfue the 
enemy, might afford them an opportunity of getting 
young Charles into the city. But the duke, who pe- 
netrated the defign, feized the reporters of this tale; 
they were convicted of a plot to exterminate the Eng- 
lifh, and executed. At the fame time, to fecure the 
wavering Burgundy, with whom this fcheme had ob- 
vioufly originated, he married, in 1423, Ann princefs of 

Meanwhile Charles had procured a body of troops, 
chiefly Scots, who under the earl of Buchan, conftable of 
France, ventured to engage the duke of Bedford at 
Verneuil, Auguft 27, 1424. Nothing but ext-reme 
rafhnefs could infligate the conftable to this a6tion : it 
accordingly terminated in his defeat, and five tboufand 
L 2 of 


bf his troops were killed. This victory might have 
proved of decifive advantage to England, had not the 
circumftances of Gloucester's quarrel with the duke of 
Burgundy obliged Bedford, in lieu of following up his 
fuccefs at Verneuil, to take a journey to England. 
While here, he was made great admiral ; and having, 
as well as he could, mitigated all dilputes, he returned to 

He arrived, in the beginning of 14 27, with confiderable 
reinforcements. He found the fituation of affairs ma- 
terially deteriorated during his abfence : the duke of 
Britanny and the count de Richmond had gone over to 
Charles, and Burgundy's attachment was weak and pre- 
carious. His profperity became more infecure by the 
valour of Dunois, Charles's general, who compelled the 
earl of Warwick to raife the riege of Montargis ; the firft 
action that turned the fide of fuccefs againft the En- 

Orleans, Charles's capital, was a primary object of 
confideration ; if this city were reduced, it was not likely 
that Charles fhould efcape, or that he could long evade 
the reach of a victorious purfuer. This enterprise being 
refolvedon, the command of it was entrufted to the earl of 
Salifbury; and although the force under his direction 
was inadequate to the object againft which he was 
directed, his approaches were attended with fuccefs. In 
thefe circumftances the duke of Orleans, yet a prifoner 
in England, propofed, through the duke of Burgundy, 
that all his demefnes (hould be fequeftered, as the balls 
of a neutrality. The regent, however, informed 
Burgundy " he was not of a humour to brat the 



bufhes while others ran away with the game ;" a 
reply that Burgundy never forgave. 

The drooping fortunes of the French king were rc- 
cftablifhcd by one of thofe extraordinary interventions 
which it is hardly improper to term miraculous. The 
hiftory of Joan of Arc, the maid of Orleans her 
youth, her enthufiafm, her. courage, her achieve- 
ments, and her fate, circumftances that have been fre- 
quently commemorated, and are generally known, need 
not be here repeated. Whether incited to ac~l her me- 
morable part by the advice and under the fanction of 
confpicuous perfons in the French court; or whether (he 
really deceived herfelf into the belief of her being in- 
fpired to free her country from the dominion of ftrangers, 
and raife her deprefTed fovereign to the throne of his 
anceftors; it is certain that her heroic exploits eflentially 
contributed to thofe events. Her progrefs was marked 
by enterprize and viclory, and her countrymen, infpired 
by the energy fhe difplayed, performed every fervice 
with valour and alacrity, and obtained a proportionate 

The duke of Bedford encountered thefe unparalleled 
events with a promptitude and fteadinefs which placed his 
talents in the mofl exalted point of view. It is (incerely 
to be lamented that he fhould have fullied fo fair a re- 
putation by his folicitude in procuring the condemnation 
of the unfortunate Joan of Arc, who was taken pri- 
foner by the Englifli in 1429, and foon after, June 14, 
burnt as a witch, in the market place at Rouen. 

But the effects of her example, and the high martial 

fpirit which (he had fubftituted for defpair in the bofoms 

of her countrymen, did not expire with her. All the 

L 3 energy, 


energy, fagacity, and experience, of Bedford became 
inadequate to the tafk of preferving the once formidable 
power of the Englifh. in France. 

A feries of difafters and defeat was followed by the en- 
tire defection of the duke of Burgundy. His daughter, 
the duchefs of Bedford, died early in 1432, and Bedford 
united himfelf, before the expiration of the year, to 
Jaquetta, daughter of the earl of St. Pol. The duke of 
Burgundy immediately abandoned the Englifh alliance^ 
ivith fentiments of irreconcileable antipathy. 

Bedford was not long permitted to enjoy the pleafures 
or advantages he might have propofed to himfelf in his 
union with Jaquetta ; nor to experience the adverfities that 
were accumulating on his country. He died at his caftle 
of Rouen in Normandy, without legitimate offspring,. in 
1435 ' an ^ was buried, agreeably to his will, at the 
church of Notre Dame in that city. 

His widow, Jaquetta, in the year enfuing his death 
married Sir Richard Woodville, to the great difpleafure. 
of her uncle the bifhop, and of her brother St. Pol. 
From this alliance fprang Elizabeth de Woodville, 
wards wife of Edward IV. 




FROM Gilbert de Nevill, who left Normandy with the 
conqueror, and who, although not mentioned as fuch 
in our hiftories, was admiral to that prince, defcended 
Richard earl of Warwick A long and fortunate fuo 
ceflion had given to the branches of de Nevill every 
appearance of fertility and ftrength ; already earls of 
Weftmoreland and Salifbury, and intermixed with the 
firft families of the country, Richard, to the other titles 
of his houfe, added that of Warwick, by his marriage 
with Anne daughter and heir of Beauchamp earl of 
Warwick. Had the members of this extenfive con- 
nexion allied themfelves as clofely in politics, as they 
were connected by confanguinity, their preponderancy 
over the regal influence would at any time have been, 
certain and uncontroulable. 

We are not yet arrived at that period when the naval 
profcflion becomes the diftinct and fole employment of 
the individual. In the ages now under review, we have 
continually to purfue the fame character from the opera- 
tions of the navy to thofe of the field, and from thence 
to the intrigues of a cabinet and the detail of an embafly r 
fomctimes the biihop turns general, and the general is 
involved in the mazes of ecclefiaftical hiftory. Thus 
it occurs that the annals of the individual, however 
L 4 carefully 


carefully reftricled to the principal fubjedl: of contem- 
plation, compofe, in fome fort, thofe of the country 

Warwick had, in the conduct of his father the earl 
of Salifbury, an example highly calculated to ftimulate 
his natural ambition ; and his immenfe pofleflions en- 
abled him fully to execute what his fentiments fo ar- 
dently prompted. Convinced that, in turbulent times, 
there was no better ladder to power than the unbounded 
confidence of the populace, he began his career by dif- 
playing a magnificent hofpitality : in London, his houfe 
was the never-failing receptacle of all who adhered to 
his fame ; " Six oxen were ufually eat at a breakfaft, 
and every tavern was full of his meat." His muni- 
ficence gained the hearts of the common people, while 
his valour was equally fuccefsful in procuring the affec- 
tions of the feamen. The incapacity of Henry VI. 
became every day more evident. He had loft all his 
father's acquifitions in France ; and, though this reverfe 
muft be chiefly afiigned to the death of Bedford and the 
intrigues of the cardinal of Winchefter during the 
minority, yet, when it was feen that Henry committed 
himfelf entirely to the management of his queen and her 
favourites, and facrificed the good duke of Gloucefter, his 
only remaining friend and his uncle, to this new and 
imperious afcendancy, his fubjects did not hefitate to at- 
tribute every difafter they felt to the dreadful imbecility 
of their monarch. 

The navy, which had been fo fuccefsfully maintained 
during the victorious reign of his father, was not, how- 
ever, neglected by Henry VI. He made Warwick his ad- 
miral : and, if the unprecedented exertions of Charles VII. 



Ki the aggrandizement of his fleet, emboldened ths 
French to aflail the Britim fhores, whatever fuccefs 
attended their onfet was generally counterbalanced by 
their final repulfe, and the chagrin with which they 

Richard duke of York, who had long meditated his 
aflertion of that right to the crown of England, of which 
his progenitors, from Richard II. were deprived by the 
ufurpatton of Henry IV. in the year 1453, 'deeming it 
unneceflary further to difguife his intentions, collected 
an army of 10,000 men, and marched towards London. 
Warwick, and Salifbury his father, who were both allied 
to the duke of York, though they were decidedly en- 
gaged to fupport the claims of that houfe, yet confidering 
it imprudent to forfeit the confidence of Henry before 
the fuccfs of the plot became apparent, remained in 
the royal camp, prudently refolving to retain a fituation 
where their influence would be ferviceable in fecuring 
York's pardon with the king, fhould his views mifcarry. 
The event proved the wifdom of thefe earls : York 
found London fhut againft him, and was compelled to 
retire into Kent. The king purfued ancj overtook him 
with a fuperior army. Indifcretion would now have 
made his ruin inevitable, but as he had merely demanded 
a reformation of the abufes of government, and the dif- 
miffal of Somerfet, the queen's favourite, the good offices 
of his two friends, Warwick and Salifbury, prevailed 
over the refentment of the court, who were contented to 
fee their opponents views fruftrated. 

The king foon after fell into a ftate which rendered 
him totally incapable of fuflaining the duties of his 
office; and the queen found herfelf no longer able to 



refjft the clamour in favour of the duke of York : So- 
meriet was fent to the tower ; and York declared by 
parliament lieutenant of the realm. This ftate of things 
could not laft. As Henry flowly recovered, he releafed 
Somerfet, and annulled the power of the 1'eutenant. 
York immediately raifed another army, demanding, 4 as 
before, the removal of the court favourites. 

Thefe troops were encountered at St. Albans, on the 
22d of May 1455, by the king, where, the battle prov- 
ing favourable to the Yorkifts, Henry fell into their 
hands, and with him the government again devolved to 
York. In this engagement, the firft of thofe dreadful 
encounters which commenced the civil wars of the rofes, 
were {lain about 5000 of the Lancaftrians ; among 
whom were the duke of Somerfet, the earl of Northum- 
land, the earl of Stafford, lord Clifford, and many other 
perfons of diftin&ion. When he arrived in London, 
York made his firft open claim to the monarchy before 
the houfe of peers: but the king was by them empower- 
ed to retain his office. Conciliatory meafures were 
Attempted on the part of Henry : York, Salifbury, and 
Warwick, were invited to attend the court at Coventry : 
but thefe noblemen, either receiving or pretending to have 
received notice of deiigns formed againft their lives by 
the court, feparated while on the road to Coventry; 
York went to his caftle of Wigmore, Salisbury to 
Middleham in Yorkfhire, and Warwick to his govern- 
pient of Calais. Moderate men began to be ferioufly 
apprehenfive of the iffbe of thefe proceedings. At the 
inltance of the archbifhop of Canterbury the three 
friends were induced to quit their retreat ; and another 
reconciliation was fct on foot in London, but it termi- 


pated flill more unpropitioufly than the former. A perfoq. 
jn the king's retinue having infulted one of Warwick's 
train, a fkirmifh enfued, and Warwick again fled to 
Calais. His friends, taking the example,, fled alfo to 
their refpe&ive feats, each party preparing to decide by- 
arms a conteft which, it was now clear, admitted of no 
pther determination. 

The government of Calais, which, was confided to 
Warwick by the authority of parliament after the 
battle of St. Albans, was, on many confiderations, a 
poft of extraordinary moment at this juncture ; it gave 
him the unlimited command of the only regular military- 
force then maintained by the crown, and it afforded him 
a harbour wherein he might fecurely collect the -prime 
of the Britim navy. Over the laft department his in- 
fluence wa nearly unprecedented. He had been ap- 
pointed high admiral, and for the fupport of this com- 
mand, in which he was ftyled Great Captain of the Sea^ 
the parliament had Allowed to him, not only the whole 
of the duties arifmgfrom tonnogeand poundage, the ufual 
provifion for the fupport of the navy, but be had alfo 
a grant of one thoufand pounds per annum from the re- 
venues of the duchy of Lancailer. Such an idea had the 
woild of this earl, that he was familiarly called The 
Stout Earl of Warwick, and The King-maker. 

Warwick had butjuft fettled himfelf at Calais, when 
putting to fea, in order to prevent any fuccours arriving 
from France to Henry, he fell in with five very large, 
fliips, three Genoefe and two Spanifh, richly laden * 
thefe he took, after a fpirited refinance, and fold their 
cargoes at the price of ten thoufand pounds. Henry, 
nding it impoffible to draw the earl |rom this fortrefs, 



for he had fummoned him to anfwer in London for the 
produce of his late captures, fent out the young duke of 
Somerfet to fuperfede him in his government. But the 
inhabitants refufed obedience to the royal order; and 
finding them bent on maintaining their rejection of the 
new governor, the king ordered lord Rivers, whom 
he now conftituted his admiral, to collect all his re- 
maining fleet at Sandwich, and proceed to force War- 
wick from his ftation. The earl perceiving this defign, 
difpatched Sir John Denham, a veteran officer, to Sand- 
wich, who completely furprifed the ihips that were 
affembled under Rivers, fecured them, and returned to 
Calais with Rivers and his fleet. The fleet which had 
carried over young Somerfet, hearing of this fuccefs, re- 
volted from the king, and entered into the fervice of 

The duke of York was now in Ireland, where he had 
been obliged to take refuge ever fmce the defeat of his 
friends at Blore Heath, on the borders of Staffbrdfhire, 
on the 230! of September 1459 ; and, as the importance 
of their pjans rendered an interview indifpenfable to 
both, Warwick undertook a voyage for that purpofe. 
As this adventure could be no fecret in London, the 
duke of Exeter, with the grand fleet under his com- 
mand, failed to intercept Warwick in his return. They 
met : but fuch was the coldnefs of the men to the royal 
caufe, when oppofed to that of the earl, that Exeter 
deemed it fafeft to Tetire without making any hoflile 

Events foon explained the nature of Warwick's con- 
ference with the duke of York. Having founded the 
men, and finding them not unfriendly to his 



hopes, lie landed at Sandwich in 1460. But he did not 
take this decifive meaiure till he had removed every im- 
pediment to his operations, and fecured a formidable 
force. He had, a few weeks hefore, furprifed a fleet 
deftined to oppofe his paflage, which was commanded by 
fir Simon Montfort, lord warden of the cinque ports, 
and conducted it into Calais. Nor, when he now land- 
ed at Sandwich, did he omit the precautions necefiary to 
fuccefs. His profefiions of allegiance to Henry, which 
he ratified by a folemn public oath at the crofs of Can- 
terbury, not merely deceived the populace, but many 
alfo of the great men who joined him, and who, to- 
gether with the people, enabled him to encounter the 
king at Northampton, where an obftinate battle enfued 
on the loth of July. The refult of this conflict placed 
Henry in the cuftody of his adverfaries, and carried the 
Yorkifts in tiiumph to London. Here York firtt 
made an unequivocal demand of the crown ; and ob- 
tained from parliament an acknowledgment of his 

This adjuilment was but of fliort duration : Mar- 
garet, who had fled into Scotland on the breaking out 
of this rebellion, returning from thence with a n-ume- 
rous force, and, aided by the northern barons, gave battle 
to the duke of York at Wakefield: here York fell; 
and here the earl of Saliihury, father of Warwick, 
being made prifoner, was beheaded by the queen's or- 
ders. Advancing towards the metropolis, {he was en- 
encountered at St. Albans by the divifion ftationed in 
the capital under the command of the earl of Warwick. 
This engagement alfo terminated in her favour, 
through the treachery of Lovelace, who deierted to the 



queen with a confiderable body of his vaflats. No fia- 
bility, however, attended this fortune. Young Edward; 
the new duke of York, advanced upon her from the 
oppofite quarter ; collected the remains of Warwick's 
forces; and prefented fuch a threatening afpect, as 
compelled the queen to retire into the north : Edward 
entered the city of London amidft the loudeft acclama- 
tions, and was immediately declared king by the title of 
Edward IV. 

Margaret remained yet unfubdued, and in pofleflion 
of her hufband's perfon. She had even gathered to- 
gether a force of fixty thoufand men in Yorkshire, and 
ib powerful was her influence in thefe parts, that 
"Warwick was difpatched with an army of forty thou- 
fand men to arreft her progrefs. On his arrival at 
fomfret, the earl detached a body of troops under lord 
Fitzwaller, to fecure the pafs of Ferrybridge over the 1 
Ayre, which divided him from the enemy. This party 
gained, but were not able to maintain, the pofition 
againft lord Clifford the queen's general, who repulfed 
them with great lofs. Warwick was too experienced a 
commander not to perceive the critical effect of this 
check,, if he allowed it to gain an afcendancy over thfc 
minds of his followers. He Called for his horfe, ftabbed 
him in the prefence of his whole army, and kiffing thd 
hilt of his fword, exclaimed, " Let him flee that flee 
will, I will tafry with him that will tarry with me ;" 
an adlion that inftantly reitored the wavering refolutions 
of his adherents, and to which he flood much indebted 
for the victory that eniued. On the following morn- 
ing the two armies engaged at Teuton ; the conteft, 
which was unufually bloody, decided the expulfion of 
-;. Henry 


Henry and his unfortunate queen, who were defeated, 
and fled into Scotland. 

Edward did not forget the man who had fo import- 
antly contributed to advance the interefts of the houfe 
of York. Warwick was made general warden of the 
eaft marches towards Scotland ; lord great chamberlain 
of England for life ; conftable of Dover cattle ; lord high 
fteward of England ; entrufted with all the embaffies o( 
moment; and fent to negociate, in 1464, Edward's 
marriage with Bona of Savoy, fifter of the queen of, 
France. To ufe the language of Philip de Comines, 
" this great earl was the chiefeft man in England for 
fupporting the houfe of York, as the duke of Somerfet 
was for that of Lancafter : fo that he might juftly be 
called king Edward's father, as well for that of training 
him up, as for the great fervices he did him." 

While Warwick was negotiating this marriage, Ed- 
ward married Elizabeth, widow of fir John Grey, and 
daughter of Jacquetta, widow of the great duke of 
Bedford, by her union with Woodville. This conduct 
offended the earl, who had nearly concluded his matri- 
monial miffion with the French court. Nor did Edward, ' 
on Warwick's return, affett that concern for hisambaf- 
fador's difappointment, which might have tended to 
mollify the refentment of the baron, and could not pof- 
fibly degrade the prince. Rafti, haughty, and incon- 
fiderate, Edward feemed not to fear the animofity of 
his, moft powerful friend ; or he was induced to attempt 
to lower that pride and greatnefs which might one day 
infult even the piefent poffeflbr of the throne. Cer- 
tainly motives extremely ftrong, bcfides the king's beha- 
viour in the projected union with Bona, and which are 



not to be underftood at this diftance of time, raufl have* 
concurred in producing that enmity which foon broke 
out between Warwick and the fovereign. 

He retired into Warwickfhire ; and,- fending for his 
brothers, the archbifhop of York, and lord Montague, 
confulted on the means of dethroning Edward. Though 
his intentions were not difclofed, the king ftrongly 
fufpecled them ; for, at a banquet t6 which the earl in- 
vited him, he fuddenly rofe, and entertaining an idea 
that it was meant either to murder or to poifon him, 
abruptly quitted the entertainment. 

Edward's conclusions did not prevent him from ftill 
employing the earl of Warwick, who was fhortly after- 
wards fent, with the duke of Clarence the king's 
brother, whom Warwick had feduced to his party by 
marrying him to his elder daughter, to fupprefs a rebel- 
lion in Lincolnfhire. The confpirators, inftead of 
quelling, endeavoured to turn this infurrecTion to their 
own advantage, but failed. Clarence and Warwick 
were afterwards refufed entrance into Calais, and com- 
pelled to feek refuge in France ; where, in conjunction 
with that court, they undertook the refloration of 
Henry. Edward contrived, however, to regain the 
duke of Clarence t;o himfelf. 

Towards the latter end -of September, 1470, War- 
wick landed in England. His amazing popularity, and 
his- addrefs, placed him at once at the head of iixty 
thoufandmen; Edward had but juit time to fave him- 
felf bv flight into Holland, and Henry was reftored. 

When the exaltation^ of the Lancaftrians feemed 

complete, Edward fuddenly appeared at Ravenfpur in 

'York {hire : the duke of Burgundy had {"applied him 

8 with 


with fourteen (hips, a little money, and two thoufand 
men. It is remarkable that he landed at the fame place, 
and made a fimilar declaration to that of the duke of Lan- 
cafter, afterwards Henry IV. He had the addrefs to avoid 
Warwick, and enter London, where he made himfelf 
mafter of Henry's perfon. Edward, finding himfelf in a 
condition to oppofe Warwick, encountered him at Barnet, 
April the 24th, 1471. Clarence was now with his 
brother, but entertained fo high a regard for his father- 
in-law, the earl of Warwick, that he induced the king 
to liften to fome plan of reconciliation. Thefe over- 
tures were difdained by the earl ; who, without waiting 
for fuccours that were haftening to his affiftance under 
queen Margaret, hazarded that engagement in which he 
ended his tumultuous days, and in which the Lancaftrian 
caufe experienced a fatal blow. His body was expofed 
at Paul's crefs, anl then interred with his ancestors, 



A NEW and more delightful fcene now opens itfel'f 
to contemplation. Every age has its ruling and dift'm- 
guifliing paflion ; and that of the age now enfuing was 
the difcovery of unknown countries, the extenfion of 
human intercourfe, and the enlargement of human 

The few days of Edward V. and the fhort and un- 
certain reign of Richard III. afford nothing worthy of 
notice in the naval hiftory of the country. Not thus 
the long and pacific years of their fucceffor Henry VII, 
His youth was paffed in exile and activity, amongft the 
traders of the continent, and being thus acquainted with 
every object that agitated the fpeculative mind, Hemy 
became verfed in mercantile interefts, expert in naval 
tranfa&ions, and qualified to diftinguifh and appreciate 
thofe projects of difcovery with which Europe abounded, 
Bartholomew Columbus found his applications fuc- 
cefsful in England ; and though his brother Chriftopher 
effedted his difcovery for Spain, prior to his receiving 
news of the treaty concluded, on his account, between 
the king and Bartholomew, the figning of this agree- 
ment did, in fat, antedate the difcovery. But, if this 
claim to the firft difcovery of America were not to bee 
rorged, it is certain that the Cabots ranged a great part 
of this unknown world in 1497 ; and that, though 
Columbus had previoully found certain ifles, it was. 
i 149* 


1498 before he faw the continent. So that, in reality, 
the honour of this GREAT DISCOVERY is as much, or 
more, due to the Englim, than the Spaniards. 

Sebaflian Cabot was bora at Briftol about the year 
1477. He was fon of John Gabota, a Venetian, who 
was introduced to the notice of Henry VII. in the courfe 
of a treaty with Denmark. The name was by corrup- 
tion foon called Cabot. John was fully adequate to the 
tafk of inciting his fon to thofe fludies which might 
conduce to his reputation as a feaman. Sebaftian was 
early inftrucled in arithmetic, geometry, and cofmogra- 
phy ; and, by the time he had attained the age of feven- 
teen years, he had made feveral trips to fea, and thereby 
added to great theoretical knowledge a competent de- 
gree of {kill in the practice of navigation. In 1495 
John Cabot obtained from Henry a patent, empower- 
ing himfelf and his three fons to proceed in their dif- 
coveries ; and in the fpring of 1497, having collected 
four fmall veflels, and a fhip fitted out at the king's 
expence, they quitted England on their projected def- 
ti nation, propofmg to feek a north- weft paflage to the 
Eaft Indies ; a hope with which John Cabot had been 
infpired in confequence of the progrefs of Columbus. 

Purfuing their north-weft courfe they difcovered, at 
about five in the morning of June 24, 1497, an ifland 
which, from the number of that fifli feen on its coaft's, 
they called Baccalaos ; and which is now known by the 
name of Newfoundland. The following account of this 
tranfacTion is found on a map drawn by Sebaftian, and 
merits prefervation in thefe pages, both becaufe it is the 
dfcription of Sebaftian Cabot, and alfo the firft account 

M 2 Of 


of the difcoveries made by adventurers in the pay of the 
Englim nation. 

" In the year of oar Lord 1497, John Cabot, a Vene- 
tian, and his fon Sebaftian, with an Englim fleet, fet 
out from Briftol, and difcovered that ifland which no man 
before had attempted. This difcovery was made on the 
four and twentieth of June, about five o'clock in the 
jnorning. This land he called Prima Vifta^ or firft feen, 
becaufe it was that part of which they had the firft fight 
from the fea. The ifland, which lies out before the 
land, he called the ifland of St. John, becaufe it was dif- 
covered on the feflival of St. John the Baptift. The 
inhabitants of this ifland wore beafts' {kins, and efteemed 
them as the fineft garaientt. M 

So far Sebaftian's memorandum. Fabian, in his 

chronicle, tells, that there were brought unto Henry 

VII. " three men taken in the new-found ifland: 

thefe, he continues, were clothed in beafts' {kins, and 

did eat raw fiefh, and fpake fuch fpeech that no men 

could underftand them, and in their demeanour were 

like brute beafts." Purchas gives fome account of the 

cuftoms of the natives, and produce of the ifland. As 

to the rela*n given by John Cabot of this voyage, it is 

involved In too much confufion and obfcurity to merit 

3 feriout detail. He failed afterwards to Cape Florida, 

and then returned to England with a valuable cargo, 

and the three favages on board : he was well received, 

and obtained from the king the honour of knighthood. 

This is juftly ftyled a very important difcovery, fmce, 

in truth, it was the firft time the continent of America 

had been feen, Columbus being unacquainted with it 



till his laft voyage, which was the year following, when he 
coafted along a part of the Ifthmus of Darien. And the 
learned Purchas aflerts, that America ought rather to be 
called Cabotiana, or Sebaftiana, becaufe Sebaftian Cabot 
difcovered more of it than Americas, or Columbus 

Of the voyages performed by Sebaftian in the courfe 
of the next twenty years, there is now no trace. All 
the facts certainly known relating to him during this 
period are the death of his father ; his great intimacy 
with Sir Thomas Pert, Vice Admiral to Henry VIII. 
and his procuring from his friend a good {hip of the 
king's, in order to effect dtfcoveries to the fouth. It 
appears that he had now changed his route ; for he 
failed firft to Brazil, and, miffing there of his purpofe, 
fhaped his courfe for the iflands of Hifpaniola and Porto 
Rico, where he carried on a little traffic, and then re- 
turned ; failing, however, of his true defign, "through 
the timidity of Pert. This difappointment fo affected 
Sebaftian, that he left England, and entered into the 
fervice of Spain. Here he was treated with the refpeft 
due to his merits : he was appointed chief pilot of Spain} 
and as this office empowered^ him to review all projects 
of difcovery, it was of great importance at this era, and 
admirably fuited to his genius. 

Cabot did not long retain a ftation which, honourable 
as it was in itfelf, could give no fcope for his more ac- 
tive fpirit. Some merchants, who were defirous of un- 
dertaking a voyage on their own account, applied to him 
in 1524, who was to proceed by the late found ftraits of 
Magellan to the Moluccas. The propofal was highly 
gratifying to Cabot. He failed from Cadiz, in April 
M 3 1525, 


1525, to the Canaries, then to the Gape de Venl iflands, 
thence to Cape St. Auguftine, and near the hay of All 
Saints he met a French fliip. At the ifland of Patos 
he was relieved hy the Indians from that fcarcity of 
provifion to which erroneous calculations had reduced 
him ; but in requital of thefe good offices he took away 
by force four of the fons of their chiefs. In his way to 
Rio de la Plata, he fet afhore, on a, defert ifland, Mar- 
tin Mendez, his rice-admiral, captain Francis dc 
Rodas, and Michael de Rodas, for contumacious carriage 
and cenfuring his orders: he did not touch at the Spice 
iflands, being in want of provifions, and alfo apprehend- 
ing that his men would not truft theinfelves to his 
management up the Straits. About thirty leagues above 
the mouth of the river de la Plata he found an ifland, 
v^hich he called St. Gabriel : here he anchored, and 
rowing with the boats three leagues higher, difcovered a 
river which he called San Salvador, very deep, and a 
fafe harbour for ihips. Here he brought up his vefiels 
and unloaded them, and then built a fort. Advancing, 
in boats, thirty leagues further, and perceiving the peo- 
ple of thofe (hores to be focial and rational, he creeled 
another fort, which he named Santi Spiritu, or the 
Holy Ghoft, and that wherein he had left fome of his- 
followers he called Cabot's fort. Keeping along the 
gre& ftreani, and difcovering feveral iflands and rivers in 
his way, he now gained the river Paraguay. Near this 
quarter he found the natives employed in tillage, a cir- 
cumflance he had never before witneffed in thofe regions. 
Jrie attempted to land, but was compelled to retire. 

James Garcia, who had been fent from Galiicia with 
two- veflfels, on a voyage of difcovery, and entirely un- 



apprized of Cabot's route, entered the Plate. Garcia 
had fent away his own fhip, which was the largeft, when 
he came to an anchor at the place where Cabot's vefTels 
was all {rationed. They foon joined company, and. 
returned together to the fort of the Holy Ghoft, and 
from thence difpatched meflengers into Spain with an 
account of their difcoveries ; fpecimens of gold and filver, 
the produce of the countries difcovered ; and requefting 
TL good fupply of provifion, ammunition, wares adapted to 
traffic, and a recruit of men. The merchants, taking 
the whole into confideration, refolved to give up thefe 
acquifitions to the king of Spain, as, better qualified to 
fupport and eftablim them. The monarch acceded 
readily to the offer ; but was fo dilatory in recruiting 
the adventurers, that Cabot, tired ofhisfituation, returned 
to Spain in 1531. He was but coldly received at court. 
His feverity to the vice-admiral and his aflbciates, he now 
faw, had made him too many enemies at home to leave 
the leaft room to doubt from whence had arifen the 
denial of fuccours, and the prefent indifference of the 

Towards the clofe of the reign of Henry VIII. Cabot 
repaired to England, and fettled in Briflol ; at the in- 
ftance, it feems, of Mr. Thorne, an intimate friend of the 
navigator, and an eminent merchant in that city, Ca- 
bot had the good fortune to attract the notice of the duke 
of Somerfet, uncle to Edward VI. in the commence- 
ment of that prince's reign. Somerfet introduced him 
to the young king, who became iincerely attached to 
the feaman, and created for him an office equivalent to 
that which he had enjoyed in Spain, with a penfion of 
i66/. 13^. 4< He continued in high favour with 
M 4 Edward, 


Edward, who confulted him on all mercantile bufinefs, 
and on every important naval expedition. In 1553 he 
drew up the inftructions for the merchant-company 
about to embark for afcertaining a paffage by the north 
to the Eaft Indies. 

Cabot founded, and was by letters patent made go- 
vernor for life of, the Ruflia company, in the firft year 
of queen Mary, who alfo continued to Cabot the penfion 
granted to him by her predeceffor. He was ever active 
in the affairs of this company. On his flay at Grave- 
fend, where he had been one day in April 1556, to at- 
tend the departuie of a veffel employed in the Ruffia 
trade, after diftributiwg alms very liberally to the poor, 
he caufed a grand entertainment to be made at the 
Chriftopher, where, fuch were his natural franknefs and 

gaiety, he entered himfelf into the dance. " This, 

except the renewing of his patent, is the laft circumfhnce 
relating to Cabot that can be difcovered ; and as it is cer- 
tain that a perfon of his temper could not have been idle, 
or his actions remain in obfcurity, fo it is almoft certain, 
that he died fome time in the next year, when, if not four- 
fcore, he was at leaft confiderably upwards of feventy." 

Sebaftian Cabot, though defcended of an Italian fami- 
ly, was by birth and affections an Englishman. He is 
entitled to a diftinguimed place in the firft rank of Bri- 
tifh Naval Characters. He was the moft fkilful feaman 
of the times in which he flourished ; the firft who re- 
marked the variation of the compafs, a point of the ut- 
moft importance in navigation ; and the difcoveries 
which he made are undeniable teftimonials of his fpirit, 
vvifdom, and fortitude. 

( 1*9 


THE reign of Henry VII. if we except the oc- 
cafional extenfion of the royal power beyond the limits 
.confident with the juft liberty of the fubje6t, was pecu- 
liarly fortunate to his people. He united the contend- 
ing interefts of York and Lancafter, and thereby ter- 
minated the horrors of civil war; and was generally re- 
vered by his neighbours. He built the GREAT HARRY, 
the fir ft ihip of the royal navy ; for though he, as well 
as his predeceffors, fitted out fome veffels, and hired 
others, on every equipment of the marine force, he was 
the firft who began to raife fuch a fufficient permanent 
navy as might be at all times found adequate to the de- 
fence of the (late, and prompt and efficacious to afTert 
the rights of his kingdom. Throughout the whole of 
his government, the Engliih navy exifted on a foundar- 
tion more reipedable, as well as more powerful, than at 
any previous period*. 

Sir Edward Poynings may be faid to have flourifhed 
during the reign of this wife and refpecled monarch. 
His anceftors, the de Poynings of 'SufTex, greatly diftin-* 
guifhed themfelves under their refpetive fovereigns. 

* " The king forcfaw an incrcafe of commerce would make larger veflels 
necefiary, and therefore began to bmilcl, and let oujfuch to hire for the advan- 
tage of, aad by way of example to, his fubjefts." 



Sir Edward's father was Robert, a younger fon of lord 
Robert Poynings, who died in 1469, leaving Edward, 
then eleven years of age, his fon and heir. 

Though the crimes of Richard III. had advanced him 
to the throne of his murdered nephew, they could not 
fecure to him the allegiance of the nation. Bucking- 
ham, who really elevated the tyrant to this eminence, 
was amongfl the firil: who were found ready to depofe 
the atrocious ufurper. This duke being allied to the 
Lancaftrian family, and, as almoft invariably happens in 
fimilar tranfa&ions, feeling himfelf not rewarded ac- 
cording to the nature and extent of his fervices to 
Richard, very cordially acquiefced in the rettoration of 
the houfe of Lancafter in the perfon of Henry earl of 
Richmond, then in a fort of honourable cuflody at the 
court of Britanny. Sir Edward Poynings engaged 
deeply in this fcheme ; which was, however, apparently 
fruftrated by the failure of Buckingham's in fur regions, 
who was taken in a private houfe, to which he fled on. 
the difperfion of his Welfhmcn, and was immediately 
executed at Salifbury. Sir Edward learnt the inaufpi- 
cious event in time to evade its effects : he fled inftantly 
into France, and there joined Richmond, whohadjuft 
made an efcape no lefs critical from the hands of Peter 
Landais, a mifcreant hired by Richard to affriflinate him 
in Britanny. Charles VIII. gave to Richmond thofe 
fuccours for which he hnd vainly importuned at Bri- 
tanny. With only a few ihips, on board of which 
were two thoufand men, the earl failed from Harfleur, 
and difembarked at Milford Haven. Richard advanced 
from Nottingham, and Richmond through Shrewfbury, 
where he was joined by confiderable numbers. The 


t'.vo armies met near Leicefler, where the battle of 
Bofworth field foon decided their reciprocal claims : 
Henry became king of England, Atiguit the 22d, 1485, 
and was crowned at London on the 3Oth of the cnfuing 
Odtober, amidft the unfeigned congratulations of his 
fubjecls. At his coronation, Henry inflituted a band 
ot fifty archers, called yeomen of the guard ; an inftitu- 
tion which, while it added fplendour to the ceremony, 
gave alfo fecurity to the perion of the king. Sir E4- 
ward was appointed mafter of this guard towards the 
latter days of the fovereign, under the appellation of 
knight for the king's body. Regret is not to be excited 
by the fate of j?Jchad III. ; it is, however, worthy of 
remark, that, had he not negle&ed his fleet, he might 
long have prelerved to himfelf that crown he fo iniqui- 
toufly acquired. Richard made all his preparations by 
land, when the flighted naval opposition muflr have de- 
terred Henry from fetting foot in his dominions, and re- 
turned him with confuilon upon France; it was, moft 
probably, a knowledge of Richard's deficiency in this 
quarter that induced Henry to undertake his invafion. 

Henry did not forget the perfons who adventured 
themfelves in his caufe ; thofe firm and generous adhe- 
rents to whom he ftood indebted for his crown, in 
this fele6Hon, fir Edward was made one of the privy 
council; and, in 1489, he was joined with fir Ralph 
\Villoughby, afterwards lord Broke, in the conduct of 
troops fent to the affiftance of the dqchefs of Britanny, 
according to Henry's ftipulations with Maximilian. 

Count Ravenftein, a rebellious fubjecl: pf Maxinrlian, 
fuming pirate in 1492, fir Edward Poynings was lent 
outtodeflroy him. Raveuftein'sfituation wasfoundfuf- 



ficiently formidable. He had fortified himfelf in the 
town of Sluys, and had collected together a considerable 
jiaval force for the defence of the port. Poynings, while 
confulting the meafures proper to be purfued, received 
the fatisfa&ory intelligence that the duke of Saxony had 
invefted Sluys by land, which determined him to beliege 
it by fea. The principal itrength of the befieged con- 
fifted in two caftles, one of which Poynings attacked 
twenty days fucceflively ; and had at length the good 
fortune to take both, by fetting fire, in the night, to the 
bridge of boats that formed the communication between 
the callles. The town was furrendered to the elector, 
and its caftles were delivered up to the Englifli. 

In 1495 fir Edward was appointed lord lieutenant of 
Ireland ; he had, two years before, evinced fuch alacrity 
in detecting the impofture of Perkin Warbec, when 
deputed to Flanders for that end by Henry, that the 
king, as a fingular token of favour and confidence, now 
cntrufted to him the final fupprefiion of Perkin's Irifh 
partifans, and the reformation of the conftitution of that 
country. So effective were his regulations, that Perkin 
jn vain eflayed to acquire a fettlement ; and, after 
fecreting himfelf for fome time among the wild natives, 
he was compelled to take fhelter in Scotland. But fir 
Edward's exertions went much further than the mere 
expulfion of Perkin, and the entire fuppreffion of the 
importer's friends : he abfolutely combined the govern- 
ment of Ireland with that of England, By that great 
ftatute, which is known to this day by the title of POYN- 
ING'S LAW, " all the former laws of England were 
made to be of force in Ireland ; and no bill can be in- 


traduced into the Irifh parliament, unlefs it previoufly 
receive the fan&ion of the council of England." 

On the acceffion of Henry VIII. which took place 
in 1509, fir Edward Poynings is found among the 
new miniftry, and in the office of comptroller. The 
tribute given by the hiftorian to this miniftry is no fmall 
praife to the individuals of whom it was compofed. 
" Thefe men had long been aecuflomed to bufmefs 
under the late king, and were the leaft unpopular of all 
the minifters employed by that monarch." Sir Edward 
did not lofe, under the aufpices of the fon, the favour 
h had acquired under Henry VIL Already inverted 
with the order of the garter, and made conftable of 
Dover Caflle, he was chofen, by Henry VIII. 
comptroller of his houfehold, numbered with the privy 
council, made warden of the cinque ports, and continu- 
ed in his conftablefhip of Dover Gaftle. 

In the year 1511 Henry became concerned for the 
ftate of Flanders. Sir Edward Poynings was therefore 
difpatched, with a choice body of troops, to aflift the Bur- 
gundians in repelling the duke of Gueldres : he met 
with confiderable fuccefs; and returned with much 
honour, and little lofs, to his native country. He was af- 
terwards, in 1 51 2, employed on an embafly to Maximilian. 
Henry, young, fanguine, and ambitious, panted after 
military glory , while the amazing treafures left by the 
late king, together with a powerful and well-regulated 
navy, were circumftances highly favourable to his de- 
iires. He had engaged in the great league againft Louis 
XII. and although the deportment: of Maximilian was 
uniformly ambiguous and interefted, yet his refined 
iubtilty and the project of a conqueft of France, which 



was entertained by the Englifh monarch and ardently 
feconded by Maximilian, induced Henry to augment 
bis confidence in his ally, and to rufh eagerly into the 
Inare thus fpread for hope and credulity by that artful 

About April 1513 the firft detachment of the def- 
tined invafion paffed over to Calais ; whither it was 
followed, towards the end of June, by Henry and the 
remainder of the expedition. Maximilian, who had 
long dHcernrd the weak fide of his confederate, enlifted 
himfelf in Henry's fervice, wore the crofs of St. George, 
and received hundred crowns a day as one of his fab-* 
jects and capia;ns. Henry was fo blinded by this finefie, 
as to overlook Maximilian's default in a very ferious par- 
ticular. This prince had received an advance of 1 20,000 
crowns from Henry, and had promiled to reinforce the 
Swifs, who were to make an effectual irruption into 
Burgundy with 8000 men ; but utterly failed in the 
performance of this engagement. Henry arrived in 
camp juft in time to obtain a decifive advantage over the 
French forces fent to relieve Teroiiane, the ficge of 
which fortrefs was already formed by the earl of Shrewf- 
Ixiry and lord Herbert. Inftead of purfuing the confe- 
quences of a victory that had thrown Paris into general 
confternation, and at an epoch when her monarch was 
in no condition to refift the power of his enemies, Henry 
returned to the feige of Teroiiane. But his movements 
were, if poflible, ftill more inexcufable on the reduction 
of the place befieged. By the advice of Maximilian, he 
laid feige to Tournay. This city, though lying within 
the Flemifh frontiers, belonged to France ; and Maxi- 
milian was heartily denrous of freeing his grandfon from 



fo troublefome and dangerous a neighbour by the friend- 
ly arms of his ally. Having taken Tournay alfo, and 
hearing of the retreat of the Swifs, Henry thought it 
prudent to return home ; a meafure to which he was 
alfo prompted by refle<5ting on the advanced ftate of the 
feafon, for it was now near the clofe of September. 
Though this campaign was tardily began, the. king 
might have reached Paris, had it been judicioufly pur- 
fued, or had he not fuffered himfeJf to be impofed upon 
by the defigning counfels of Maximilian. Sir Edward 
Poynings bore a principal fhare in the whole of thefe 
tranfa6tions, and was left to keep pofleflion of Tournay. 

The fortrefs thus committed to Poynings being at 
length ceded by treaty to the French, Sir Edward re- 
turned to his government of Dover Caftle ; where, on 
the 25th of May 1520, he had the honour to receive the 
emperor Charles V. who landed on a vifit to Henry. 
Charles had but recently afcended the imperial throne ; 
and learning that Francis, the French monarch, who 
had been his competitor in the conteft for that diadem, 
was arranging an interview with Henry, he refolved, by- 
making his previous refpedts and infuring Wolfey's fa- 
vour, to counteract the fuppofed defigns of Francis ; and 
the fuccefs of his journey did not difappoint his expec- 

In 1523 fir Edward Poynings fell a victim to the 
plague, which raged in England with great violence. By 
Elizabeth, daughter of fir John Scot, he had only one 
fon, who died in his life time, but he left fevcral illegl- 
mate children. 




ALL that can be offered on the fubjeft of fir Thomas 
Knevet's origin is conjecture. He was probably a de- 
fcendant of the Knevets of Norfolk ; a branch of which 
family, John Knivet, or Knevet, was chancellor and 
keeper of the great feal in the reign of Edward III. Sir 
Thomas Knevet was matter of the horfe to Henry VIII. 

He was ordered to the coaft of Britanny, during the 
fmmmer of 1^12, with a fleet of forty-five fail ; carrying 
with him fir Charles Brandon, fir John Carew, and a 
number of the young nobility, who were earneftly and 
equally defirous of exerting their naval abilities on this 
occafion. They had fucceeded in committing various 
ravages, when they were unexpectedly encountered by 
Primauget, the French admiral, who fuddenly iflued from 
Breft with thirty-nine fail. Primauget began the en- 
gagement. Fire feized his ihip; and finding his own 
deftru&ion inevitable, he bore down upon the veflel of 
the Englifli admiral, refolved that he Jfhould meet a 
fimilar doom. Both fleets flood for fomc time in fuf- 
pence, fpetators of this dreadful flruggle. The horrof 
of the flames, the cries of fury and defpair which pro- 
ceeded from the miferable combatants, and the ghaftly 
confirmation of the furrounding feamen, who contem- 
plated the difmal conteft, formed altogether a fcene of 
indefcribable mifery. At laft the French veflel blew 


up, and at the fame time deftroyed the Englifti. The 
reft of the French fleet made their efcape into different 

Thus perifhed fir Thomas Knevet a loyal fubjeft, an 
honourable citizen, and a zealous aflertor of the naval 
fuperiprity of his country. 


C 178 ) 



THERE are not many families to whom confiderations 
of refpeft and admiration are fo juftly due as to the 
illuftrious line of the Howards: all that antiquity fo 
remote as not to be afcertaincd ; all that patriotifm, va- 
lour, genius, and exalted fervices can claim, is exacted 
by the virtues, the talents, and the actions of this 
noble houfe. Their firft recorded anceftor is Edward 
Howard, judge of the court of common pleas in the 
times of Edward 1. and his fucceflbr Edward II. Hif- 
tory has not been deficient in commemorating the cha- 
racier of this great man. He is reprefented as a man of 
wiblemimed manners, great learning, becoming fe- 
rioufnefs, indefatigable in duty, and of unimpeachable 
integrity. By the favour of Edward IV. John, a de- 
fcendant of this magiftrate, was made lord Howard; 
afterwards, in the days of Richard III. he was advanced 
to the dukedom of Norfolk ; and he fell, in defence of 
his laft patron, at Bofworth field. 

Thomas, fon of John, was, notwithftanding the 
attachment of his parent, much favoured by Henry VII. 
and foon reftored to the earldom of Surry, a diftin&ion 
procured for him by his father from Richard III. but of 
which he had been deprived by the viciflitudes of civil 
8 war. 


war. Thomas mull be confulered the true founder of 
his family's profperity, the great origin of their future 
importance. He was almoft as highly eftimated by 
Henry VIII. as by his predecefior. He married Eliza- 
beth, daughter ar.d fole heir of fir Frederick Tilney, 
and widow of Humphrey Bouchier lord Bsners ; from 
which union he derived eight fons and three daughters, 
among whom were fir Edward, and his brother, fir 
Thomas Howard. On the death of Elizabeth, lord 
Howard married Agnes, daughter of fir Philip Tilney, 
and by her had two fons and four daughters. 

Sir Edward Howard gave early proof of his attach- 
ment to the naval interefts of his country. He was 
with Poynings at the redu&ion of Sluys; though at that 
period but a fti ipling, he came with the hope of attain- 
ing fome practical knowledge of a profeflion wherein he 
afterwards fo greatly excelled. The judgment, activity, 
and courage, which he on this occaiion difplayed, pro- 
cured him the applaufes of his bed officers, and opened 
to them pleaiing expectations of his future fame. 
Indeed, his knighthood was conferred on him by 
Henry VII. in confideration of his conduct at 

Henry VIII. appointed fir Edward his (landard- hearer; 
a poll of great honour, and never conferred but upon 
characters of fingular worth and bravery. The king 
further augmented fir Edward's reputation, by con- 
flituting him lord high admiral of England . Howard 
was advanced to this dignity March the I9th, 1513; and 
Henry, by an indenture, dated April the 8th, granted to 
fir Edward Howard the following allowance for the 
fupportof his new rank : " For his own maintainance, 
N 2 diet, 


diet, wages, and rewards, ten {hillings a day. For each 
of the captains, on the like accounts, one (hilling and 
fixpence a day. And for every foldier, mariner, and 
gunner, five (hillings a month for his wages, and five 
millings for his victuals, reckoning eight and twenty 
days in the month." 

Barton, a famous Scot, having long committed acts 
of piracy on our coafts, with two ftout (hips, which he 
had fitted out under colour of revenging himfelf on the 
Portuguefe, fir Edward, accompanied by fir Thomas 
Howard his brother, were difpatched in queft of the 
pirates. They fell in with them off the Goodwin fands, 
on their return from Flanders to Scotland. As the 
force was equal, the conteft became exceeding hot. 
Barton fought defperately, and, when reduced to ex- 
tremity by the wounds he had received, he encouraged 
his men, by means of a boatfvvain's whittle, to his 
lateft breath. The pirates were conducted to London, 
but difmified, by Henry's clemency, to their native, 
land. Scotland complained of this act as an infraction 
of fubfifting treaties, but Henry replied, " That to pu- 
nifh pirates was no infraction of treaties between 
princes." After convoying the duke of Dorfet into 
Spain, Howard cleared the coalts of Britanny, and was 
prefent at that dreadful engagement recorded in the life 
of Knevet. 

The fpring of 1513 is replete with naval tranfactions. 
Henry had long cherimed the intention of invading 
France ; and, purpofmg to pafs over to Calais in the 
prefent fummer, gave orders to the lord admiral to equip 
a competent fleet, and clear the feas. This armament, 
amounting to forty-two fail, left England in the month 



of April. Howard found the French in Brefl, waiting 
for a reinforcement of fix gallies which were daily ex- 
pected from the Mediterranean wnder Pregent. Finding 
it an hopelefs attempt to attack the enemy in that fitua- 
tion, he made a feint of landing at a little diftance, by 
which he drew the enemy from the harbour, entered 
Bred, and ravaged the country in fight of its caftle. 
Pregent, meantime, arrived, and placed himfelf in 
Conquet, in a fiuation which he confidered perfectly 
iecure. He was at anchor between two rocks, on each 
of which ftood a ftrong fort, and lay fo far up the bay, 
that it was with extreme difficulty the Englifh admiral 
could bring any of his fhips to the attack. Having two 
gallies in his fleet, he chofe one, and committing the 
other to lord Ferrers, with no other afliftance than two 
barges and two boats, entered the bay of Conquet, 
April the 25th. It was a maxim of Howard's, that no 
admiral was good for any thing that was not even brave 
to a degree of madnefs. He immediately fattened on 
Pregcnt's rtiip, and leaped on board, attended by Carroz, 
a Spaniard, and feventeen feamen. The cable that linked 
him to Pregent being foon cut, Hownrd was left grap- 
pling with the French, and was tinally pufhed over- 
board in the ftruggle, and was drowned. Ferrers 
feeing the ftate of the admiral's galley, and having ex- 
pended his (hot, withdrew from the fcene ; and the ge- 
neral dejecYion of the Englifh now rendered it moft 
prudent to return home, without attempting any thing 
further again ft Pregent. 

Though the character of the admiral muft un- 
doubtedly have prompted him to exertions of the moft 
confummate valour, he would have acled more circum- 
N 3 fpeaiy, 


fpe&ly, but for fome occurrences on fhore. So little 
did he doubt of the utter extirpation of the French fleet, 
that he wrote to court, apprifing the king of his fitua- 
tion, and exhorting him to come and take upon himfelf 
the glory of the achievement. Others were not fo 
fanguine, and Howard received an anfwer ordering him 
to do his duty in a ftyle of unmerited reproach. The 
reply took deep root in Howard's breaft, and, perhaps, 
urged him to a defperate attempt. The only account 
afterwards collected from his own men amounted 
merely to this : they faw him take his whiftle and the 
chain of gold nobles from his neck, and then throw them 
into the fea, that they might not fall into the pofleffion 
of the enemy, 

Sir Edward Howard was in all refpe&s a very eftima- 
ble man ; a brave and intelligent feaman : he was alfo a 
good foldier ; an able and upright ftatefman ; and an 
amiable private character. He fell in the flower of his 
age, April the 25th, 1513; and it was fortunate for 
Henry, that the lofsof an admiral, which might at one 
time have been irreparable, could now be fupplied from 
the fame itock which had produced the meritorious 
fir Jidward. Foreign potentates entertained an high 
ppinion of fir Edward Howard. " And furely, deareft 
brother," fays the king of Scots, in a letter to Henry VIII. 
IVfay the 141!), 1513, " we think more lofs is to you of 
the late admiral, who deceafed to his great honour, 
trian the advantage might have been in winning all the. 







WHEN complaints were preferred to the privy 
council of the practices of the Scottilh pirates, the great 
duke of Norfolk, the father of Edward and Thomas, 
declared the narrow feas fhould not be fo infefted 
while he had eftate enough to furnifli a fhip, or a fon 
capable of commanding it. Sir Thomas Howard was 
a worthy defcendant of fuch a father, and an inheritor 
of his brother's merit. It will be recollected that he 
aflifted his brother in his memorable conteft with 
Barton, but there are peculiarities belonging to the 
engagement which were naturally referved for the life 
of fir Thomas Howard. The two fliips, it is conceived, 
were fitted out at the expence of the duke of Norfolk. 
This conjecture is fan&ioned by the duke's declaration 
in council, and the alacrity difplayed by the brothers in 
the execution of it. Had they entered upon the en- 
terprize by royal commiffion, it is probable that not 
two fhips, but a fquadron, as was cuftomary, would 
have been affigned to them on the occafion. Bcfides 
they needed no commiffion; for pirates being hofles 
N 4 hvunani 


humani generis, " the enemies of mankind," every man 
is at liberty to adt againft them ; and on this principle 
king Henry afterwards juftified the action. The bro- 
thers were feparated by a florm, in confequence of 
which Thomas firft engaged Barton in the Lion. In 
this fituation he had nearly accomplifhed his victory, 
when Edward came up, and encountered the confort 
fhip. The Lion was adjudged to be the prize of 
Thomas; but any comparifon between the exertions 
of the brothers in this action would be invidious and 

Sir Thomas Howard, on his return from accompany- 
ing the duke of Dorfet againft Guyenne, learnt the 
melancholy cataftrophe of his brother Edward. Neither 
the fame he had acquired in conducting back the 
troops employed in that unfortunate difpute, nor the 
intelligence of himfelf being appointed lord high ad- 
miral, in place of his deceafed brother, could render him 
unmindful of the lofs of fo near and fo diftinguifhed a 
relative. The chief pleafure he appears to have derived 
from his laft appointment originated in the hope, that 
it would fpeedily afford him both the means and oc- 
caiion of revenging his brother's death. In this hope 
he was not deluded. Pregent, flufhed with his recent 
fuccefs, landed fome men in Suflex, who pillaged the 
country. Sir Thomas put directly to fea ; and having 
fcoured the channel, fo that not a French bark would 
venture to appear, landed in Whitfand bay, pillaged the 
places adjacent, and burnt a considerable town. The 
admiral, after thus clearing the feas, convoyed Henry 
and his preparations to Calais, on his long- meditated 
irruption into France. 



-While Henry was amufmg himfelf with the flatteries 
of MaKimilian^ James IV. made a ferious incurfion 
into England. But the Howards quickly impeded his 
progrefs. Sir Thomas landed five thoufand men at 
Alnwick, to the affiftance of his noble .father, who was 
proceeding againft James. They fent their herald to 
the Scottifti king, who was particularly inftru&ed by 
the admiral to inform that monarch, " That whereas he 
could not meet with any of the Scottifh (hips at fea, he 
thought fit to land, to the end that he might juftify fir 
Andrew Barton's death ;" adding, " that, as he looked 
for no mercy from his enemies, fo he would fpare none 
but the king only, if he came into his hands $ and to 
make all this good, that he would be in the van-guard 
of the battle." The Howards were not unrewarded by 
Henry : their father, who had till now been only earl 
of Surry, was made duke of Norfolk, and fir Thomas 
was created earl of Surry. This battle, called that of 
Flodden field, wherein the Scottifh king and the flower 
of his nobility were flain, was fought the 8th of Sep- 
tember 1513. 

During the (liort interval of peace that followed 
thcfe tranfadlions, Ireland aflumed a troublefome cha- 
racter ; the miffion of a new lieutenant became indifpen- 
fable, and fir Thomas Howard, then earl of Surry, was 
delegated. His afliduity and talents recovered the au- 
thority of government, . and had no lefs fuccefs in 
conciliating the minds of the fubje6t. He left every 
thing on its legal foundation ; iupprefled Defmond's 
rebellion, lowered the O'Neals and O'Carrols; and re- 
turned to England with a reputation very defervedly 
augmented by the folid advantages which both nations 



had experienced under his adminiftration. Wolfey's 
jealoufy is afligned as the immediate caufe of Surry's 
recall : diflenfions had long prevailed between the car- 
dinal and the Howards ; Wolfey grew alarmed at the 
increafmg honour of this connexion, and their probable 
afcendancy in the political fcale. 

Pretexts were not wanting to veil the real motives of 
the minifter ; a new war had broke out with France, in 
the profecution of which it was averred the abilities of 
the admiral would be of the firft moment. France had 
perpetrated her accuitomed infults on the Englifh coaffc 
before Howard was called into action. The admiral 
firft applied himfelf to remedy this evil, which he did 
effectually, by difpatching his vice-admiral, Fitzwilliams, 
to guard the narrow feas. On the 4th of December, 
1522, Surry was appointed lord treafurer. 

The new war had been kindled in confequence of a 
treaty lately concerted between Henry and the emperor, 
Charles V. Henry was deluded into this alliance by 
cardinal Wolfey, whom Charles had fecured to his in- 
terefts under a promife of raifmg him to the papacy, 
agreed to join his forces to thofe of Charles, and en- 
gaged the admiral in equipping the ftipulated naval fuc- 
cours, at the time when Fitzwilliams was deputed to 
guard the coafts. Surry was then, by a patent from 
Charles, made great admiral of the combined fleets. He 
proceeded to the coait of Normandy, and landing fome 
forces near Cherbourg, wafted and deftroyed the coun- 
try ; after which he returned. This retreat was a mere 
feint : the admiral landed in a few days on the fhores of 
Bretagne a large body of troops, with which he took 
and plundered Morlaix,; and having opened a pafiage for 



the Englifh forces into Champaign and Picardy, and 
gained a valuable booty, he returned to Southampton, 
leaving a ftrong fquadron under the vice-admiral to pro- 
tect the merchants and fcour the feas. Charles V. who 
liad been fome time in England, embarked, on Surry 's 
return, on board the admiral's (hip, and was fafely con- 
voyed to the port of St. Andero, in Bifcay. 

In 1525 died the great and good duke of Norfolk, 
the admiral's father. Norfolk lived long enough to be 
thoroughly difgufted with the cares of office, and the 
contentions of courts : and died in time to avoid a fight 
of that precipice over which the ambitious felfifhnefs of 
the nobility, aided by the feeble jealoufies of the old king, 
had nearly precipitated his children. Surry, on his fa- 
ther's demife, was entrufted with the fole command of an 
army againft Scotland ; in the conduct of this enterprife 
he was attended with his ufual fuccefs. In 1526 he 
was appointed one of the commiffioners to treat with 

But the fall of Wolfey approached. Sufpe&ed by 
his mailer, envied and hated by his peers, and univerfally 
decried by the people, this mighty minifler was at length 
deftined to undergo the feverefl trials that could pofiibly 
arife to a man of his ambition, opulence, and renown. 
Of thofe who accelerated the ruin of Wolfey, none 
were more powerful, none more inveterate, than the 
Howards. The cardinal had uniformly conducted him- 
fclf with fmgular afperity towards this family, which 
provoked from them a warm retaliation. Surry was one 
of the firft to fubfcribe the articles which were framed 
againft this extraordinary perfonage ; and when it was 
fonfulted among the lords, to what place he fhould be 



baniflicd, the duke of Norfolk named York, the car- 
dinal's Tee, adding to Cromwell, who was chofen to 
cttfivey the order to Wolfey, on finding that the mi- 
nifter made no hafte to obey it, " Tell him further, 
that if he get not away, I will tear him With thefe 

Henry effected an interview with the French king 
in 1533 ; in this fcene the duke a&ed a confiderable pbrt. 
He was again in France, in the latter part of the year, 
to urge with the pope, the emperor, and the king of 
France, the necefTity of granting Henry a divorce 
from the queen. There is no doubt that Norfolk con- 
ducted this conference in a way perfectly acceptable to 
his royal matter, fince he was, amongft the firft of the 
nobility who had figned a declaration to his holinefs, 
" whereby they gave him a modeft intimation, that the 
allowance of his fupferhacy here would be endangered 
in cafe he did not comply with king Henry." 

Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk, refigning the office 
of earl marfhal, the king appointed the duke of Norfolk 
his fucceflbr, May the 28th, 1534: about the fame time 
he alfo nominated him viceroy of Ireland. Towards the 
clofe bf the year, Norfolk made another fruitlefs jour- 
ney into France on the fubjel of the divorce. 

Great political changes are moftly accompanied with 
violence; nor is it to be expelled that a revolution in 
the religious creed of a people fliould be effected without 
refinance. But the overthrow of the papal power, the 
fupprcffion of the monafteries, the execution of the moil 
eminent Englifh catholics, the public expofition of fe- 
crct hiflories of nuns and friars, formed all together, at 
the age wherein it was exerted, fuch an effort of un- 


paralleled authority, that the confequent tumults it ex- 
cited, though exhibiting a temporary terror, will appear 
to have fallen far fhort of the caufes in which they 
originated. The firft oppofituon made to the king's 
proceedings in Lincolnfhire, hardly deferves that 
defcription : a more formidable oppofition, but al- 
moft as ihort-lived as the firft, was now attempted 
in the north. This infurredtion was called the pilgrimage 
of grace. Like the tumultuary and ill appointed com- 
motions fo often entered upon by the populace in times 
of unufual events, this vanifhed before the regular 
movements of the king's general, the duke of Norfolk. 
Other jnfurgents made fome efforts, but never could 
mufter an adequate force. Henry himfelf always enter- 
tained a contemptuous opinion of thefe tumults : he tells 
them, in a proclamation, that they ought no more to 
pretend to form a judgment of government, than a blind 
man of colours. " And we," he adds, ' with our whole 
council, think it right ftrange that ye, who be but 
brutes and inexpert folk, do take upon you to appoint 
us who be meet or not for our council." 

Henry, having concluded a hafty peace with th 
Scots, paffed again into France, in I 544 : he had con- 
certed this invafion with the emperor; the two princes 
were to enter on the campaign with one hundred thou- 
fand men, Henry by Calais, and Charles from the 
Low Countries. Had they fucceeded, nothing fhort of 
the deilrucYion of Francis, and the French monarchy, 
would have enfued. Norfolk, with his fon Henry, 
earl of Surry, took part in this enrerprize : the war 
opened in July, and terminated in September, un- 


attended by any action of moment, or any acquinYion 
of utility. 

Numerous and powerful as were the fervices which 
the Howards had rendered to Henry, there were alfo 
many caufes which counteracted their merits in the 
breaft of that prince. Unfortunately he married Cathe- 
rine Howard, niece to the prefent duke of Norfolk ; and 
her conduit, in the opinion of the king, reflected dif- 
grace on all her relations. To the difguft which her 
behaviour had excited in Henry, were added caufes of 
diflike perfonally affecting the duke. Norfolk was too 
powerful and too popular a fubject ; ftrong rumours 
were circulated of his attachment to the Romifh efta- 
blifliment; and, finally, he flood allied to the throne. 
His fon Henry, earl of Surry, unhappily rendered 
himfelf flill more obnoxious to his raafler. In the 
warmth and unfufpicioufnefs of youth, he is faid to have 
dropped fome unguarded intimations, which, whether 
true or not, were affiduoufly forwarded to the monarch, 
of a wifh to marry the lady Mary, who afterwards 
afcended the throne. Thefe motives acted fo violently 
on the jealous temper of the king, and were fo vehe- 
mently enforced by the enemies of Norfolk, that pri- 
vate orders were fuddenly ifTued for the arreftof that peer, 
together with his fon the earl of Surry ; and they were 
accordingly lodged in the tower in December 1546. 

Wit and learning, qualities in which the young earl 
highly excelled, though exerted with the utraoft promp- 
titude and acutenefs by him during his trial, could not 
avert his determined doom. He was beheaded on 
Tower-hill, January the ipth, 1547. His father's 



attainder was expeditioufly obtained from a parliamen 
iummoned for that purpofe; he was tried, and condemn- 
ed unheard, and orders were iffued for his execution 
on the morning of the 2Qth of January ; when the death 
of the king, happening on the evening of the 28th, re- 
ferved him to a more peaceful end. He furvived till the 
commencement of Mary's reign in 1554. 

The character of fir Thomas Howard is fufficiently 
illuftrated in his life. He was brave in war, prudent in 
council, loyal to his king, and highly ferviceable to his 


( 192 ) 



WILLIAM FITZWILMAMS fprang from William 
Fitzgodric, who flourished in the time of Henry II. 
His fon Thomas changed Godric for Williams, and 
thus, in lieu of Fitzgodric, became Fitzwilliams. A de- 
fcendant of this houfe was city recorder during the fhort 
reign of Edward V. An anecdote is related of this 
Fitzwilliams truly honourable to his character, and 
which reflects no fmall credit on his progeny. When 
Buckingham had convened the citizens of London at 
Guildhall, in order to found them relative to the ufurpa- 
tion of Richard III. and in hopes they would declare 
for the tyrant, he found that eloquence to which he had 
trailed entirely loft on the obdurate honefty of the 
Londoners. No (bout of " God fave king Richard !" 
no teuimony of popular approbation crowned his artful 
harangue ; unlefs the lilence which fo awfully prevailed 
might be taken for confent. Turning about to the mayor, 
he nfked him the rcafon of this filence. " Perhaps (faid 
the mayor) they do not underftand your grace." Buck- 
ingham renewed his eloquence, and was again as filently 
received. " I now fee (faid the mayor) the caufe : the 
citizens are not accuftomed to be harangued by any but 
their recorder, and know not how to anfvvcr a perfon of 
6 vour 


your grace's quality." The recorder Fitzwilliams was 
then commanded to urge the principal topics upon which 
Buckingham had in vain expatiated. But as Fitzwil- 
liams felt heartily inimical to the bufmefs, he performed 
his office with fuch relutlance, and took fuch pains to 
inform the people that what he faid proceeded not from 
himfelf, but from the duke, that his grace found him- 
fclf compelled anew to addrefs the multitude, which he 
did in concife and plain terms: but the citizens perfe- 
vered in their difaffection to Richard : a few apprentices 
were at laft incited to join Gloucefter's fervants in the 
feeble and defpicable cry " God fave king Richard !" 
And Buckingham declared, that the favour of the nation 
was now manifefted towards the perfon of Richard III. 
late duke of G loucefter. 

Sir Thomas Fitzwilliams married Lucia, daughter and 
co-heir to Nevil, marquis Montacute, by whom he had 
two fons, Thomas, flain at the battle of Flodden ; and 
this William, who became earl of Southampton. As 
Willam was a younger fon, he began early to reflect on 
ci re urn fiances which unavoidably impelled him to ac- 
tivity ; and he chofe the naval fervice, as the faired and 
moft certain method of railing himfelf into favour and 
fortune. Important changes had recently been made in 
this profeffion. Whatever were the defects of Henry VIII. 
his attention to the naval interefts of his country entitle 
him to the gratitude of every Englishman. He was the 
firft of our princes who can be faid to have inftitutcd a 
ROYAL NAVY ; for though his father, Henry VII. paid 
fingular attention to this important concern, and fuch as 
fairly procured to him the honourable applaufes of pof- 
terity, yet it was referved for the fon to have the glory 1 
of improving and eflabli filing the great fource of oui 
O fafety, 


fafety, riches, and grandeur, the naval fuperiority of 
this country. When the Sovereign, the largeft (hip at 
that time in our pofleffion, blew up with Knevet, the 
king inftantly repaired the lofs, by building Henry 
Grace de Dieu, a (hip of flill greater magnitude. From 
the Conqueft to this period there was no fixed i.nd per- 
manent naval force : the cinque ports and maritime 
towns fitted out, upon application, their quota of (hips, 
which, after meeting at a certain rendezvous, ranged 
under the royal authority. It is not neceflary to dwell 
on the imperfections of this mode of procuring a pub- 
lic navy. Sometimes no force could be procured in any 
degree adequate to the urgency of the occafion, and 
that which was obtained often ferved with reluctance, 
and without vigour. Sometimes an admiral was felf- 
appointed ; at others he was elected by the people ; and 
at another time, he was chofen and conftituted by his 
Tovcreign. Henry remedied all thofe- evils. He built, 
or collected, a royal navy ; founded a navy-office ; fixed 
falaries for his admirals, vice-admirals, captains, and fea- 
men ; fo that, by the wifdom of his regulations, and the 
munificence of his protection, the naval fervice became 
a diftindl and regular profeflion, and has ever fince been 
furnimed with an illuftrious feries of officers. 

There is abundant reafon for believing that fir William 
Fizwilliams began his career of glory at an early period of 
his life, though no hiftories now mention the nature of 
his youthful exploits. In 1511, near the commence- 
ment of the reign of Henry VIII. he was appointed one 
of the efquires of the king's body. He was foon after- 
wards in- the engagement off Bred, where he received a 
dangerous wound; but this accident did not prevent 



him from aflifting the fiege of Tournay. In acknow- 
ledgment of his merits Henry conferred on him the ho- 
nour of knighthood. 

In the fpring of 1522 fir William acquired the ftation 
of vice-admiral, and putting to fea, retrieved the loffes of 
the merchants upon the French. He performed a fer- 
vice of the fame nature early in the next feafon. This 
condut highly ingratiated him with the mercantile 
world ; nor was his royal mailer lefs fenfible of the 
abilities and exertions of the vice-admiral, for he ob- 
tained of Henry, in the courfe of 15121, laige grants of 
thofe eftates forfeited to the crown by the attainder of 
the duke of Buckingham. Hitherto fuccefs attended 
his operations, and if alacrity in preparation, and vigour 
and underftanding in executing the commands ot his 
country, could infure a profperous iffue, fir William had 
never failed of the fulleft extent of the defigns entruftcd 
to his condudr.. 

He had recently returned from an embafTy into 
France, when he received orders to afford the accuftom- 
ed protection to our trade, to moleil the enemy, but 
particularly to way-lay the duke of Albany, who was 
daily expected to pafs with French fuccours to Scotland. 
Commerce found no reafon to lament a mifplaced con- 
fidence in her gallant friend the vice admiral, and it is 
much to be regretted that he experienced not that good 
fortune in intercepting Albany which ever attended him 
in his exertions to protect the valuable acquifitions of 
trade. The fleet affigned him for this fervice, con- 
fifted of but eight-and-twenty fail. With thefe he had, 
however, the fatisfation of chafing twelve Frenchmen, 
which formed a part of Albany's fleet, and had a number 
O t of 


of the great Scottifh nobility on board, into Dieppe, 
with the lofs of two of their fquadron. The duke 
meanwhile, feeing it impofllble to attempt his pafiage 
while Fitzwilliams was at fea, feigned to relinquifh 
his defign, throwing his troops into quarters, and 
difperfmg the tranfports. Unhappily this ftratagem 
fucceeded too well with the Englifh commander. The 
vice-admiral, having fcoured the French coaits, and fe- 
cured confiderable booty, returned home ; while Albany 
putting to fea, about the middle of September 1523, 
efcaped to the place of his deftination. 

During the year following, 1524, fir William was 
preferred to be captain of Guines cattle, in Picardy, 
and in the courfe of the fame year appointed treafurer 
of the king's houfehold. One circumitance will place 
in a convincing light the intereft that he had gained 
with the king. Fifher, Bifhop of Rochefter, faid in the 
houfe of lords, " That nothing now would ferve with 
the commons but the ruin of the church." Both the 
king and the commons were much offended by the 
bifliop's obfervation ; but Fitzwilliams, who alone pof- 
fefled great influence with the parties offended, found 
means to mediate the quarrel. 

In 1537, on returning from another French embafly, 
in which he had conducted matters in a manner pecu- 
liarly acceptable to Henry, he was raifed to the dignity 
of admiral of England : he already held the offices of 
treafurer of the houfehold, and chancellor of the duchy 
of Lancafter ; he was, befides, knight of the garter. 
Henry did not here paufe in his favour towards him : 
he\was fhortly after created earl of Southampton, and 
made lord privy feal. He appears to have been one of 
the firft feamen raifed to the honours of the peerage. 



In 1539 the earl of Southampton was fent with a 
fleet of fifty fail, to bring home the princefs Ann of 
Cleves, to whom Henry was marriedj January the 6th, 

His conftitution was now evidently broken ; he even 
made a will, whereby he bequeathed the king his beft 
collar of the garter, and his rich George fet with 
diamonds ; yet the continual intimations that he felt of 
his approaching diffolution could not damp the ac- 
cuftomed ardour of his difpofition. 

" Age had notquench'd one fpark of manly fire." 

He was not to be reftrained from participating in the 
war which broke out between England and Scotland in 
1542. But having accompanied the duke of Norfolk as 
far as Newcaftle, overcome by the fatigue, he could pro- 
ceed no more. The duke commanded his banner to be 
borne, as it had hitherto been, in the front of the army, 
during the remainder of the expedition. 

Fitzwilliams had no iflue by his countefs Mabel, 
daughter of lord Clifford, and fifter to Henry, the firlt 
earl of Cumberland. He left, however, an illegitimate 
fon, Thomas, who aflumed the name of Fitzwilliams, 
alias Fifher. 





JOHN DUDLEY, afterwards, fucceffively, vifcount 
Lifle, earl of Warwick, duke of Northumberland, and 
lord high Admiral, was elder fon of the memorable Ed- 
mund Dudley, co-partner with Empfon, during the lat- 
ter years of Henry VII. Thefe minifters, by their afli- 
duity in the fervice of Henry VII. incurred that popu- 
lar refentment to which they were politically facririced 
under the reign of his fucceflbr. In the third year of 
Henry V1I1. one year after his father's execution, young 
Dudley was, however, reftored to the blood and eflates 
of the attainted parent. John was about eight years of 
age when, on the petition of his guardian, Edward 
Guildford, efq. thy} restitution took place. 

He was knighted in 1494 ; in 1535 he was appointed 
matter of the tower armoury ; and, on the arrival of Ann 
of Cleves in 15 59, he was made matter of the horfe to 
that princefs. On the 1 2th of March, 1543, he was 
created vifcount Lifle. In the courfe of the fame year 
Henry VIII. conferred on him the rank of lord high 

War being determined on againft Scotland in 1544, 
the earl of Hertford, aflifled by the lord admiral, was 
ordered to invade that realm. Lifle failed with one hun- 


dred mips from Newcaftle to Leith, where he difem- 
barked the troops early in May. The land forces ef- 
fected great devaluation, and then retreated fecurely to 
Berwick, while the admiral burut Leith, and ravaged 
the Scottifh coafts. 

But, as Henry's projects required this force in another 
direction, peace was foon granted the Scots, and Lifle 
initructed to attend the operations of the war with 
France. The duke of Suffolk had lain ifiege to Bou- 
logne ; the reduction of this place feemed important ; 
and the admiral therefore haftened to accelerate its cap- 
ture. Long inverted by fuperior forces on the land, and 
now blocked up by the English commander at fea, Bou- 
logne furrendered September 14, 1544. 

The king of France could not fubmit tamely to this 
defeat. He collected a powerful navy, which, under 
the orders of D'Annebault, his admiral, and aided by 
five and twenty gallies from the Mediterranean, com- 
manded by Paulin,- baron de la Garde, failed for the 
English coafts. Francis, unremittingly employed in 
concerting the recovery of Boulogne, determined, till 
the requilite preparations were accomplished, that his 
fleets (hould make fome attempts on the Britifh fhores 
as fome return for the lofs of that fortrefs. Juft as this 
force was about to proceed on its deftination, the admi- 
ral's fhip blew up* ; this accident, according to the fu- 

* This fhip, called the Carracon, had (according to Bellay) 100 large brafs 
cannon on board : but they muft have been vciy fmall, when proportioned to 
what are now diftinguilhed by that appellation, as he allows that the Carracon 
was only of eight hundred tons burden. Yet, it is equally clear that (he was 
the ftoutefl ftiip of the French naVy. A contemporary writer affures us, that 
(he appeared like a calf le among the other Ihips of the fleet, and that (he had 
nothing to fear at fea but fire and rocks. 

O 4 perftitious 


perftitious genius of the times, might have been expect- 
ed to damp the ardour of the French ; but they follow- 
ed up their defigns, apparently undifmayed by the cala- 
mity : they met, however, with little fuccefs in the ex- 

The next year, 1546, they refumed their defign upon 
Boulogne. Lifle, the lord admiral, had been conftituted 
lieutenant of Boulogne, and was left to fecure its de- 
fence. In this fltuation he bravely contended with the 
dauphin, who, at the head of 52,000 men, repeatedly 
aflaulted the place. Though the walls were much 
/nattered, and the French had once effected an entrance, 
a refolute fally drove them from this laft advantage, with 
the lofs of 800 of their beft troops. Hearing of their re- 
cent vifit to England, he likewife put to fea, and, land- 
ing fome forces in Normandy, took ample revenge. 
Each fide had now grown weary of the conteft : Lifle 
was therefore empowered to negociate with the French 
commiflioners of peace ; and a treaty, the refult of this 
negociation, was concluded between the two nations, 
near Guifnes, June 7, 1546. 

Henry VIII. did not long furvive the termination of 
his French campaigns. He died on the night of the 28th 
of January, 1547, leaving the lord admiral, who had at- 
tained to great favour, one of his fixteen executors. 

The admiral's character had now a full opportunity of 
difplaying itfelf. Finding that Someriet, young Ed- 
v/ard's protedlor, was deficient in capacity and courage ; 
that he was weak, credulous, and fufpicious, he foon in- 
gratiated himfelf into the confidence of that minifter, 
refojving to ered in him the ladder by which he fhould 
6 mount, 


mount, imperceptibly, to the firft offices of government. 
His prefent influence and popularity were fuch as to 
warrant thcfe gigantic projects. " He was the minion 
of that time ; fo as few things he attempted, but he 
achieved with honour ; which inade him the more proud 
and ambitious. Generally, he always increafed both in 
eflimation with the king, and authority amongft the no- 
bility." This year, 1547, he was made earl of War- 
wick, an honour which he claimed by his clefcent, on 
the maternal fide, from Margaret, elder daughter and 
co-heir of Richard Beauchamp earl of Warwick. Nearly 
at the fame time he was appointed to the truft of lord 
high chamberlain. With his title he alfo obtained the 
grant of Warwick caftle, and of the annexed lands. 

War with Scotland, and a rebellion in Norfolk, are 
amongft the leading features of the firft years of the reign 
of Edward VI. and from both thefe events did Warwick 
reap a new acceffion to his power. On the reduction 
of Ket's iniurrection, he was again made lord admiral ; 
and in 1550, the year following, as a farther recom- 
pence of his fervices, he was advanced to be fteward of 
the houfehold. Such a quick accumulation of honours 
and riches only extended the views of their pofTeflbr. 
He is accufed of having fet no bounds to his thirft after 
power, and of having paufed in no ftep that might ter- 
minate in the gratification of his deTires. To Warwick 
are attributed the beginnings and progrefs of that conten- 
tion between the protector and his brother, which ended 
in the deftruction of lord Thomas Seymour. And to 
him is alfo affigned the fubfequent ruin of the protector. 
Such, in truth, appears to have been the nature of his 



proceedings, that they cannot bejuftified even by the 
mod refined policy. 

His intrigues were, however, interfperfed with actions 
of a more eflimable kind. During the profecution of 
thefe political defigns, he difcharged feveral iituatiens of 
importance with his accuftome.d ability and fuccefs ; and 
his rewards kept pace with his merits. On the 20th of 
April, 1551* he was conftituted earl mardial ; and on. 
the nth of October, the fame year, created duke of 

The fchemes fo long in preparation took at length 
their defined effect. Somerfet, the protector, was ar- 
raigned, tried, and condemned of various treafonable in- 
tentions towards the young monarch, and immediately 
beheaded on tower hill. But Edward did not long fur- 
vive thefe tumultuous tranfations. It has been aflerted, 
and it is probably true, that he never forgave himfelf 
the confenting to the execution of his uncle, the pro- 
tetor ; and that the impreffion of this event, on his 
young and feeling mind, accelerated his end. North- 
umberland watched the declining days of this amiable 
prince, with an anxiety proportioned to the ufe that he 
defigned to make of his demife. When Edward's fate 
became no longer doubtful, he married his fourth fon, 
Guilford Dudley, to lady Jane Grey, elder daughter of 
Hnry duke of SufFcik by Frances, daughter to Mary, 
fccond fifter to Henry VIII. But the meafure remain- 
ed yet imperfect:, unlefs Mary, the lineal fucceffor of 
Edward, were fecured. The princefs was then at fome 
diftance from court ; and her dying brother was induced 
to write to her, and requeft her attendance in his ficknefs. 



She accordingly made preparations to that effect, and had 
almoft reached London, whrn {he was informed of the 
real intention of the king's friends 

Edward now breathed his laft ; and the lady Jane was 
proclaimed queen. Mary, mean time, warned of the 
plans of her adverfaries, ..was not lefs active in procuring 
adherents. Norwich hill recognized and afferted her 
rights, and was fpeedily fupported in this meafure hy the 
counties of Buckingham and Northumberland. The 
earl, who advanced hoftilely to meet Mary, was foon in- 
duced, by the coldnefs of his followers and the increafc 
of his foes, to abandon all hope of fupporting his daugh- 
ter-in-law, the lady Jane. He returned to Cambridge, 
where, attended by the mayor and the earl of North- 
ampton, though deftitute of herald or trumpet, he pro- 
claimed queen Mary in the market place, throwing up 
his cap in token of his extreme joy, and in expectation 
of reconciling himfelf to his rightful fovereign. This 
fervility very defervedly procured him no favour in the 
eyes of Mary. He was the next day arrefted ; then tried ; 
and executed on tower hill, Augjift 22, 1553. ^' s re ~ 
mains were interred in the tower church by John Cock, 
an old fervant, whofe gratitude induced him to petition 
Mary for his matter's body, that he might make fome 
return to his lord, dead, from whom he had received fo 
many favours, while living. 

At the place of execution Northumberland made 
ample confeffion of his attachment to the catholic caufe. 
" He acknowledged himfelf guilty ; and, craving par- 
don for his infatiable ambition, admoniftied the people, 
that they fliould embrace the religion of their forefathers, 



rejecting that of later date which had occafioned all 
the miferies of the forepafied thirty years. And, for 
prevention for the future, if they defired to prefent their 
fouls unfpotted to God, and were truly affected to their 
country, they (hould expel thofe trumpeters of fedition, 
the preachers of the reformed religion. As to himfelf, 
whatfoever he might have pretended, his confcience was 
fraught with the religion of his fathers ; but, being 
blinded by ambition, he had been contented to make 
wreck of his confcience, by temporifing ; for which he 
profeflfed himfelf fincerely repentant, and acknowledged 
the juftice of his death." The circumftance which he 
afligned as having prompted him to countenance the re- 
formation, is too light to merit any ferious degree of 
credit : he told fir Anthony Brown, afterwards vifcount 
Montague, that, albeit be knew the Romi/o religion to be 
true, yet, feeing a new religion was begun, run dog, run 
devil, he would go forward. 

Perhaps it may not be difficult to appreciate the cha- 
racter of Dudley. To a great portion of perfonal bra- 
very he certainly has an equitable claim ; nor were his 
talents as a ftatefman of an inferior defcription : but 
thefe advantages were wholly counteracted by his un- 
limited ambition ; a paffion whofe nature it is not to 
fee, or perceiving, to flight the obftacles which would 
rationally prefent to the attainment of its fa- 
vourite views. Another important defect in the temper 
of this great perfonage muft not be overlooked. There 
are thofe who never are known to link under adver- 
fity ; and who are always concerned that the means by 
which they endeavour to regain their afcendancy fliould 



be worthy of the objedt to be retrieved, and compatible 
with the dignity of their aims. Herein was Dudley 
moft culpably deficient. How pitiful were the arts by 
which he ruined the Seymours ; and how wretched and 
contemptible was the device by which he effayed to con- 
ciliate himfelf with Mary ! 


( 206 ) 




THE Seymours, fo confpicuous in the reigns of Henry 
VIII. and Edward VI. were defcendants of fir Roger 
Seymour of Wiltfhire : Thomas of Sudley was younger 
fon of fir John Seymour, knjght, and brother to Sey- 
mour duke of Somerfet, protedlor, during the minority of 
Edward VI. 

Thomas flood high in the favour of Henry VIII. to- 
wards the decline of whofe reign he attended the fuc- 
cours fent to the emperor, and was in the fame year con- 
ftituted mafter of the ordnance for life. In the 38 of 
Henry VIII. he was knight marfhal of the forces em- 
ployed at that time in France under the earl of Hertford. 
On the demife of Henry VIII. his name is alfo found 
among the number who were nominated by that mo- 
narch to aflift and advife with the executors appointed 
to fuperintend the education of the prince, and to con- 
duit the government till he ftiould attain to years of 

But a greater acceflion of honour WPS intended him by 
Henry VIII. It appearing from the evidence of thofe 
who were intimately acquainted' with the mind of the 
deceafed king, that Henry really had it in contemplation 



to confer on Thomas the dignity of a baron of the realm ; 
he was, on the i6th of February, 1547, created lord 
Seymour of Sudley, by the new adminiftration ; and to 
this advancement almoft immediately followed the poft 
of lord high admiral. 

Great wifdom and providence characterize the final 
difpofitions of Henry V1I1. fuch attention and fuch 
forefight a<; might be juftly expedted of a prince whofe 
reign was diftinguifhed by firmnefs and vigour; and, 
with all its violences and ftretches of power, by a fingu- 
lar and very beneficial attention to the improvement and 
profperity of the fubje<$t. His unwearied occupation in 
naval concerns, has been the fubjecl: of fmcere admira- 
tion : and with undiminifhed fatisfa&ion we can like- 
wife dwell upon his application to objects of internal 
ftrength, utility, and riches. The laws made in his time, 
for facilitating and fuppotting inland navigation ; ihis fo- 
licitude for the augmentation and ftability of the hemp 
manufactures ; the munificence with which he ex- 
pended, from his own coffers, between fixty and feventy 
thoufand pounds in building a new pier at Dover; the 
fortreffes which he erected in every part of his dominions 
for the protection of his navy, and the fecurity of his 
people ; and, above all, his founding thofe two cradles of 
the Britifli marine, the royal yards of Woolwich and 
Deptford, conftituting and eftabl;ihing at Deptford the 
noble fraternity of the Trinity : thefe actions, collec- 
tively, evince fo true an attachment to the interefts of his 
country as balance many of his vices, and muft for ever 
entitle him to the gratitude and efteem of Englifhmen. 

An union betwixt England and Scotland had been one 

of Henry's mod favourite fchemes ; he cherifhed it 

9 with 


with a folicitude worthy of its objects, and recommended 
it to the inveftigation and purfuit of thofe who were de- 
fignated to guide the councils of his infant fon. This 
recommendation became, accordingly, a leading fubjeft 
in the confideration of Edward's minifters : many over-' 
tures were made on their part, towards the defired end, 
in all which it was uniformly propofed, that a matri- 
monial contract fhould be inftantly completed between 
Mary, the young queen of Scots, and Edward ; but, left 
thefe offers fhould not, unlefs urged by more prefling 
confiderations, obtain the notice of the Scottifh court, 
the protector prepared himfelf with a force fully adequate 
to eftablifh his fovereign's claim to the territories of the 
princefs. He collected a fine army, 16,000 ftrong, to 
which the lord admiral, Somerfet's brother, added the 
equipment of a powerful and well-appointed fleet. As 
the Scots perfifted in refuting the proffered alliance, a 
decitive engagement enfued, in which, on September 
10, 1547, the enemy were defeated, leaving 14,000 dead 
on the field, and Soco of their nobility and gentry pri- 
foners. The next year the lord admiral with a flout 
fleet failed about the coafts of Scotland, to prevent the 
enemy from repairing their harbours, and to effe& ad- 
ditional depredations j to this end he made two defcents, 
in both which he now proved unfuccefsful ; and as 
Mary had, meanwhile, efcaped into France, and great 
efforts were there making to obtain afliftance. in her 
caufe, a peace was fought after by the Englifh, and as 
foon acceded to by the Scots. It muft not, however, be 
concealed, that the jealoufies and quarrels of the pro- 
tedtor and the admiral operated more effectually in fa- 
vour of Scotland than any dread excited in the Englifli, 



from their late check, or by the threatening language of 
France. To understand the nature of diffenfions fo fatal 
to the profperity of the public, it will be neceflary to ef- 
timate the characters of thefe eminent individuals. 

The protedtor was eafy, generous, placable, yet ex- 
tremely irritable. The admiral poffefled a lofty fpirit, 
was impatient of a fuperior, and indignant againft thofe 
who gained favours which he considered as unmerited. 
Both were hafty ; when moved to anger, carelefs of what 
they faid, or to whom they communicated their difcon- 
tents ; and there were never wanting thofe who lay in 
wait to avail themfelves of thefe errors. Somerfet was 
more in favour with the people ; Seymour more re- 
fpe&ed by the nobles. Thefe contrarieties, fufficient in 
themfelves to create ferious differences between the bro- 
thers, were yet heightened by additional aggravations. 
The admiral had early paid his court to Elizabeth, after- 
wards queen of England, on whofe young heart it is 
'nought he made no tranfient impreflion; for his perfon 
was (lately, his manners were accomplished and im- 
poiing, and his voice fonorous, which heightened the 
effect of his appearance ; and he enjoyed the reputation 
of great courage. But the protecStor becoming alarmed 
at this procedure of the admiral, interpofed, and obliged 
him to feek another wife : thus neceflitated to forego 
his views, he married Catherine Par, queen dowager of 
Henry VIII. a lady endowed with too many virtues and 
graces for her huiband's peace. 

Somerfet had betrothed himfelf to Anne Stanhope, 

daughter of fir Edward Stanhope, a woman exactly the 

reverfe of Catherine. She eafily conceived a deadlyh a- 

tred to the admiral's lady, who, befides her great compa- 

P rative 


rative fuperiority both of heart and mind, enjoyed the- 
confpicuous advantage of precedency at court. As the 
effects of this malicious fpirit could not be wreaked on 
Catherine, they were eafily transferred to the admiral, 
Catherine died fhortly after in childbed ; but never 
could Anne reft, till, goaded on by Northumberland, 
{he brought the admiral to the block. 

Unhappily the conduct of this nobleman but too well 
countenanced the fuggeftions of his enemy. He was in- 
ftigated to intrigue againft his brother; and renewed his 
addreffes to Elizabeth. Such movements roufed all the 
caution of the protector ; Seymour was deprived of his 
admiralftiip, and committed to the tower. Here he 
uniformly repulfed his brother's conciliatory advances ; 
defiring to fee the nature of his accufatipn, and demand- 
ing a trial. 

The pailiament by whom his attainder was patted, 
accufed him of attempting to get the perfon of the king 
into his cuftody, with the view of governing the realm ; 
of making fufpicious provifion of money and victual ; 
of endeavouring to marry the lady Elizabeth, the king's 
lifter; and perfuading Edward, in his tender age, to af- 
fume the rule and ordering of himfelf. Such, amongfl 
much frivolous matter, are the principal grounds upon 
which, unfupported by any regular evidence, the par- 
liament patted the bill of attainder againft Seymour, 
March 1549. Their fentence was carried into exe- 
cution on the aoth of the fame month. 

How far the accufations are countenanced by events, 

the reader will, perhaps, determine. On the fcaffold, 

Seymour protefted, that, he never willingly did, either 

tftually tndeavour, or ferioujly intend, any thing againjl 

I the 


the perfon of the king, or the Jlate. As he was not per- 
mitted to anfwer his accufers, thefe proteftations, when 
coupled with the general franknefs of his life, procured 
general belief, and excited a proportionate difguit againft 
the protector. 

He left no offspring. 

Amidft the din of thefe wretched cabals, the general 
interefts of the community were not wholly difregarded. 
In 1548 an act was paffed for laying the Newfoundland 
trade entirely open ; and Smith, Edward's agent at 
Antwerp, in fettling (bme mercantile tranfatSlions, af- 
fured the emperor's commiflioncrs, that Bis mafler 
ivoultl fupport the commerce of htsfubjefls, at the hazard 
of any monarch* s friend/hip upon earth. On another <x> 
cafion, Edward very gracioufly received a memorial, 
wherein certain methods were enumerated of encou- 
raging and increafing the number of feamen in his do- 
minions, alfo of preventing the carrying on of Englifh 
trade in foreign bottoms. Great hopes were formed of 
this good prince, founded on the many excellencies that 
diftinguifhed his government, but he did not live to 
realire the fond anticipations of his fubje&s. 


( 312 ) 




THE Ruffells were originally of Dorfetfhire, and are 
a family of great antiquity. John lord Rufiel, after- 
wards duke of Bedford, refided near Bridport ; he was a 
perfon of great genius and learning, and became the 
founder of that honour which fo eminently dittinguifhed 
his defendants. The circumftance that immediately 
effe&ed his rife, evinces as much of what is ufually 
termed fortune, as can well fall to the lot of an individual. 
When Philip of Aurtria, driven on pur coafts, landed 
at Weymouth, fir Thomas Trenchard, a wealthy 
knight, who refided in thofe parts, wifhing to give the 
befl poffible entertainment to his royal gueft, till he 
could inform the court of the event, fent for lord Ruf- 
fell. Ruflell was nearly related to fir Thomas, and, 
being but recently arrived from his travels, was efteemed 
by his worthy relative a tit character to contribute to the 
amufement of the illuftrious ftranger. Philip knew 
how to eftimate worth ; and he fo much admired that 
of Ruflell, as to folicit his company to Windfor, and to 
recommend him, on their arrival there, to the notice 
and advancement of Henry VII. 



The deceafe of Henry VII. which happened foon 
after, formed no bar to the profperity of Ruffell. In 
1515 he accompanied Henry VIII. in his French ex- 
pedition, where he perfonally attended the king, as one 
of the gentlemen of his privy chamber. His fervices 
were rewarded in 1524 with the marflialfea of the royal 

In the year following his employments were various; 
fometimes attending Henry in his irruptions into France, 
and fometimes entrufted with embaffies of the firft 
moment. Between 1534 and 1539, he was princi- 
pally in Italy. During the laft of thofe years he was 
made comptroller of the king's houfehold, and one of 
the privy council ; he alfo fhared largely in the diflribu- 
tion of church lands in 1540. In 1541 he fucceeded 
Fitzwillams, earl of Southampton, in the dignity of ad- 
miral of England, Ireland, Wales, Normandy, Gaf- 
coigne, and Acquitain, and in this capacity he paffed over 
into France, together with Fitzwilliams, who was on 
that occafion appointed lord privy feal. 

Fitzwilliams dying fhortly after, the admiral was 
made privy feal ; and again employed, 1545, in France, 
where he fuftained a principal part in the capture of 
Boulogne, being captain general of the vanguard of the 
army occupied in that expedition. Such was Henry's 
confidence in Ruffell, that he named him one of his 

Preparations were now making for the coronation of 
the young prince, and as it was intended that the cere- 
mony fhould be brilliant, Ruffell was appointed lord 
high fleward on the 17th of February, 1547, three 
days antecedentto its performance. 

P 3 Religiou 

214 J OHN 

Religious contentions, which had raged to a great 
height under Henry VIII. were rather increafed hy the 
firft proceedings of the new government. In Devon- 
/hire fome priefts turned an infurre&ion on common, 
grievances to their own account; and the infurgents 
became formidable enough to draw the attention of the 
council, who difpatched lord Ruffell to reprefs them. 
For fome days he was held at bay by the rebels, but fuc- 
cceded at length in completing the full object of his ap- 
pointment. He was hereupon advanced to a new dig- 
nity, being created duke of Bedford, January 19, 1549. 
The politics of the day now engaged his attention, and 
perceiving the defpondency of the protedlor, he went 
over to the Northumberland intereft. 

Bedford was fo fortunate as to acquire under Mary a 
confidence and profperity not inferior to what he had 
enjoyed during the reign of her predeceflbr. When 
the matrimonial articles were adjufted between this 
princefs and Philip of Spain, the honour of efcorting 
the prince from the Spanifh territories into England 
was entrufted to the duke of Bedford ; and when, in 
1554, the difcontents to which this marriage gave birth, 
burft out into open oppofition, Bedford being again 
difpatched towards Devonshire, fucceeded in quelling fir 
Peter Carew, nearly on the fame fpot where he for- 
merly hail fubdued a portion of thofe religious tumults 
which diftracled the reign of his late fovereign. 

He died foon alter the reduction of thofe infurgents ; 
about the I4th of March the fame year, at his houfe 
near the Savoy in the Strand, and was buried at his feat 
in Buckinghamshire. 



AGAIN the courfe of biographical narration is fuf- 
pended to purfue that fpirit of adventurous difcovery, 
which originated in the times of Henry VII and from 
which the mod important confequences have refulted to 
fucceeding ages. 

The general propenfity of the times towards voyages 
of difcovery, but particularly the hiftory of the Cabots, 
incited in the breafts of the Englifli merchant an inex- 
tinguifhable dedre for adventures of this defcription. 
THORNE, the friend and intimate of Sebaftian Cabot, 
{lands foremoft in the ranks of illuftrious individuals 
vvhofe talents were thus exerted for the fervice of their 
country. In 1527 he addreffed himfelf to Henry 
VIII. on the fubje<St of a difcovery which he propofed 
to purfue even to the north pole ; enumerating, at the 
fame time, the advantages which were derived by the 
Portuguefe and the emperor from colonial pofleffions, 
and enforcing his projected difcovery by much plaufible 
reafoning. ImprefTed with a high opinion of Thome's 
abilities, Henry readily acceded to his wifhes ; and or- 
dered that two fliips, well manned and victualled, fhould 
be equipped for the expedition. On the aoth of May, 
i52y,Thorne left England, accompanied by feveralper- 
fons of property and diftintlion, fleering his courfe full 
noith-vvcft. But the iffue proved extremely unpropi- 
tious. One of the ihips was caft away near Newfound-*- 
land; and the other, after vainly, though ably, endea- 
vouring to afcertain the great obje<5t of its failing, 3 
north-weft paflage, returned home in the commence- 
ment of October in the fame year. This voyage was 
P 4 undertaken 


undertaken during the life-time of Sebaftian Cabot, and 
xvhile that fpirited navigator was employed, on behalf of 
fome Spanifti merchants, in the expedition to the Mo- 
luccas. Mr. Thorne lived to be afterwards mayor of 
Briftol, and to enjoy, for a long time, the uninterrupted 
confidence of his friend Sebaflian Cabot. He died full 
of years, and full of honour, and lies buried in the 
Temple church. 

Mr. WILLIAM HAWKINS, father of fir John Haw- 
kins, knight, is alfo diiYmguifhed in the lift of early na- 
val adventurers. Anxious to outdo the generality of 
his competitors in this new path to fortune and renown, 
he fitted out, in 1530, a fhip of two hundred and fifty 
tons burden, which he denominated the Paul of Ply- 
mouth. iHe made three voyages 'to the coaft of Brazil, 
touching alfo on. that of Guinea : here he traded in 
Haves', gold, and elephants' teeth. Such was his unex- 
ampled fuccefs in ingratiating himfelf with favages, that, 
on his fecon/cl voyage, one of the Brafilian kings con- 
fen ted to return with him to England ; Hawkins leav- 
ing, as a fecurity for his own conduct, Martin Cockram 
of Plymouth, with the natives. Of this favage mo- 
narch, who was prefented at court on his arrival, Hnck- 
luyt has preferved a defcription at once natural and at- 
tractive. " In his cheeks," he fays, " were holes, 
made according to the favage manner, and therein fmall 
bones were planted, (landing an inch out from the 
holes ; which, in his country, was looked on as a great 
bravery. He had another hole in his lower lip, wherein 
was fet a precious (lone about the bignefs of a pea. All 
his apparel, behaviour, and gefture, were very ftrange 
to the beholders." Having flayed in England about 

6 twelve 


twelve months, he embarked for his return ; but un- 
fortunately died on the paffage. Serious apprehenfions 
began now to be entertained of the manner in which 
his countrymen might feel this event ; and poor Cock- 
ram was given over. It muft be owned that the con- 
duel: of thele favages was as magnanimous as it was un- 
expected : they never queftioned the veracity of the 
Englifh, in accounting for the death of the prince ; but 
reftored Cockram, furnifhed Hawkins with the ufual 
articles of barter, and then permitted him to depart in, 
ftrict amity. Thefe voyages opened the channel of the 
rich and extenfive commerce that has fince been carried 
on in thofe parts. Hawkins was much efteemed by his 
fovereign, Henry VLT. and filled the office of principal 
fea-captain in the weft of England : he was a fkilful 
feaman, and a perfon of great vvifdom, prudence, valour, 
and intrepidity. 

To the enterprises of Hawkins, fucceeded, in 1536, 
the meritorious, but difaftrous, adventures of Mr. 
HoRE. This gentleman, whofe great mercantile cha- 
racter, and whofe perfonal reputation and influence had 
the moft extenfive effects, incited, by his difcourfes on 
the advantages of difcoveries in North America, noJefs 
than thirty gentlemen of family and property to an in- 
vincible defire of participating in his fortunes. With 
two fhips, the Trinity, of one hundred and forty tons, 
and the Minion, of lefs burden, which were equipped 
at their own expence, they failed from Gravefend, 
April 30, 1536, carrying about one hundred and twenty 
perfons. Hore commanded the Trinity. 

Unobftructed by any accident of confequence, they 
reached the Newfoundland coafls, but while here intent 



upon difcovery, were reduced to the dreadful neceffity 
of killing and eating their companions. At length, 
when the remaining crew were on the point of heing all 
fforved, a French fhip arrived, well furnimed. They 
inftantly mattered the Frenchman, and returned therein 
to England ; yet in fuch a miferable plight, though they 
hid not been out above feven months, that fir William 
Butts and his lady could only recognize their fon, who 
was one of the company, by an extraordinaty wart on his 
knee. The French arriving afterwards, made aconfiderable 
clamour about the injuries which they had experienced 
at the hands of our countrymen. Henry made due 
inquifition into the particulars ; and learning, in the 
courfe of this inquiry, the mifery of his brave fubje&s, 
generoufly fatisfied the French from his own purfe, and 
promoted feveral of thofe who had efcaped the general 
deftru&ion which had attended the voyage. Hackluyt 
rode two hundred miles, to learn from the mouth of 
Mr. Butts, at that time the fole furvivor of thofe who 
had made this voyage, the particulars of the event. 

Though Hawkins touched at Guinea, the traffic 
which he eftabliflied was with Brafil. Mr. THOMAS 
WINDHAM, whofe undertakings come next in-review, 
muft be confidered as the firft Englishman who in 
reality traded on the G5nea coaft. Winclham per- 
formed his three voyages to Guinea in the reign of 
Edward VI. Of the firft of thefe excurfions, we know 
only that it took place in 1551 ; of the next, in 1552, we 
learn no more than that, with three fail, he vifited 
Zaphin, or Saphia, and Santa Cruz, whence he 
brought fugar, dates, almonds, and molafies. Hjs third 
voyage, achieved in 1553, is more particularly, though 
not fufficiently detailed. He failed from Portfmouth, 



with three {hips, in conjunction with Anthony Anes 
Pintado, a Portuguefe, who was the promoter of the 
meafure. They traded for gold along the coaft of Gui- 
nea, and proceeded as far as Benin. At the laft place 
they were promifed a lading f pepper. But here the 
commander, and moft of the men, fell victims to the 
climate ; and the remainder, thus reduced to forty per- 
fons, returned to Plymouth, with one (hip and little 


( 220 


- -" 

THIS commander is defcendcd of the ancient line of 
the Willoughbys of Erefby and Parham, and is diftin- 
guifhed as the conductor of that expedition which pro- 
duced the important difcovery of the trade to Archangel. 

Sebaftian Cabot rnuft be confidered as the original 
projector, fince, in 1551 , it was he who offered propofals 
to the king for the difcovery of a north -eaft paflage to 
China and the Indies. It was at firft intended that the 
adventure fhould be profecuted at the public expence, 
but on conferring with fome merchants, who evinced 
a promptitude to undertake it for themfelves, Cabot re- 
linquifhed his prior method ; and three new {hips, the 
Bona Efperanza, one hundred and twenty tons, com- 
manded by Willoughby ; the Edward Bonaventure, 
one hundred and fixty tons, Captain Chancellor; and 
the Bona Confidentia, of ninety tons, Cornelius Dur- 
forth mafter, were equipped by the joint ftock of the 
fociety, which amounted to fix thoufand pounds. The 
money was raifed by fhares of twenty-five pounds each 
member, a fum that entitled its fubfcriber to all the be- 
nefits which might accrue from the voyage, the pro- 
prietors of which were diftinguiflied as a SOCIETY 




Empowered by the king's letters* recommendatory, 
and inftru&ed by Cabot f, they failed from RatclifFe on 
May the loth, 1553, and reached Gravcfend by the i8th 
of the fame month, though it was June the 2jd before 
they entirely cleared our coafts. 

Much was expected from the iffue of this engage- 
ment. The admiral, Sir Hugh Willoughby, poffefled 


* Edvyard the fixth directs thcfe letters particularly " to the kings, princes, 
and other potentates inhabiting the north-eafi parts of the world, towards the 
mighty empire of Cathay ; and then to al! others, having any excellent dig- 
nity under the univei fal heaven ; wilhing to them pcscc and tranquillity and 
honour." He next vindicate:, the adventurers ' Lrafmuch as the great and 
almighty God hatn given unto mankind above all other living creatures fuch 
a heart and defire, that every man covets to join fricndfhip with others, to 
love and be loved, alfo to give and receive benefits, it is therefore the duty 
of all men, according to their power, to maintain and increafe this defire ; and 
elpecially to mew this good alFedtiou to fuch as being therewith moved, come 
unto them from far countries." As a further mark of the approbation of 
Providence towards fuch purfuits, it is obferved, " the God of heaven and 
earth, greatly providing for mankind, would not that all things Ihould be found 
in one region, to the end that one Ihould have need of another ; by which 
means friendship might be eftablilhed among all men, and every one feek to 
gratify all." He therefore empowers thcfe adventurers, his fubjccls, " to 
feek fuch things as we lack, as alfo to carry unto them from our regions, 
fuch things as they lack." He concludes with folemn affurances that ftran- 
gers fhall be amicably received into his dominions, as he otpefts, on the part 
of Grangers, a like deportment towards his own people. This document 
was written in Latin, Greek, and various other languages. 

f Cabot's paper is termed " Ordinances, Instructions, and Advert'.fements, 
of and for the direction of the intended voyage to Carthay, compiled, made, 
and delivered by the tight worihipful Scbaftian Cabot, Efq. governor of the 
myftery and company of the merchant adventurers, for the difcovcry of re- 
gions, dominions, iflands, and places unknown ; May the 9th, in the year of 
our Lord 1553, and in the yth of the reign of our moft dread Sovereign lord 
Edward VI. ice. &c.'' He appointed a council of twelve, formed of the 
admiral, his four officers, the chaplain, one gentleman, two merchants, and 
three mafteri' mates, to regulate the proceedings of the voyage. 



all the leading qualifications of a good commander; 
honourable in family; of tried wifdom, great experience", 
and unyielding fortitude. 

This little fleet kept tolerbly together till the 2nd of 
Augurt, 1553, on the night of which they were unfor- 
tunately feparated through the violence of the wind and 
the thicknefs of the fog, near the north cape. The 
Edward, captain Chancellor, was the veffel from which 
they were divided. They experienced afterwards only 
a feries of difafters on the coaft of Greenland, which 
was difcovered early in the morning of the I4th. On 
the 1 8th of September they entered a haven, wherein 
they agreed to winter ; and difpatched men in all direc- 
tions, up the country, to feek out its inhabitants, No 
inhabitants, except wild beads, were, however, to be 
found ; and in this difmal iituation they lived beyond 
January 1554, when the {hips were clofed in by the 
ice, and their crews frozen to death : in this flate they 
were difcovered the next fummer, by fome Ruffian 
fifhermen who repaired to the fpot, the original 
journal of fir Hugh, from whence mofl of thefe parti- 
culars are derived, laying open before him. Captain 
Chancellor, happily efcaping this fate, entered the river 
St. Nicholas^ where he was amicably received, and had, 
foon after, accefs to John Bafilowitz, great duke of 
Mufcovy, by which was opened to us the communica- 
tion with that country. 




memoirs to be collected of fir William Winter 
are merely hiftorical. Though a valiant and worthy- 
man, and one much diftinguiihed by his exertions in his 
country's caufe, for all that now can be accurately afcer- 
tained of him we muft look in the pages of public 

Edward's minority, embroiled, as it feemed, with the 
Scottifli court, was deemed by France a propitious time 
for attempting to wreft away the few of her original 
pofleffions ftill held by the Englifli. Upon this princi- 
ple, without the leaft: previous intimation of their hofti- 
lity, they had recaptured Bologne, and were now intent 
on the acquifition of Jerfey and Guernfey. But ns the 
eyes of adminiftration could no longer be (hut to thb 
defigns of the ancient enemy, efpecially when in poflef-> 
fion of timely information of his inimical intentions, 
commodore Winter was difpatched with a few veflels, 
and eight hundred men in tranfports, to the relief of the 
iflands. He found the enemy prepared to receive him ; 
they had blocked up the jx>rt9 with a very fuperior 
force. Undifmayed by thefe circumlhnces, he re- 
(oived to attack them, and executed this refolution 
with fuch (kill and vigour, that, having killed near 

a thoufand 


a thoufancl of their number, lie compelled the refidue to 
embark on board fome light veffels, in which they pre- 
cipitately fled, abandoning their (hips, which were fet 
on fire by Winter's orders. The defeat fo chagrined 
the French, that they' forbade any particular mention of 
it under penalty of death. It was effected in 1549. 

Early in the reign of Mary, commodore Winter was 
employed with afloutfquadron to bring over the ambafla- 
dors fent by Charles V. to conclude the marriage of the 
queen with Philip. The emperor prefented the Englifli 
commander with a very handfome gold chain on his 
arrival at Oftend, a prefent which had nearly proved 
fatal to its owner; for {hewing it to fir Nicholas 
Throckmorton, that gentleman, after mufmg over it 
a few moments, faid to Winter, " For this gold chain 
you have fold your country :" the obfervation getting 
.vent, it almoft endangered the lives of the two friends. 
This is the only tranfa&ion recorded of fir William 
Winter during the government of Mary. 

In 1560 he was entrufted by queen Elizabeth with 
a fleet deftined to fupport the confederate Scots, a body 
of that nation who leagued themfelves againft the in- 
fluence which the French court was infidioufly ac- 
quiring over their liberties. Sir William appears for 
the firft time, in this expedition, in the character of vice- 
admiral, and it is certain that he now filled the fituation 
of matter of the ordnance. 

He failed up the frith of Forth, blocked up Leith 
road, where feveral of the French Ihips were riding at 
anchor, and while the land forces under lord Grey were 
preparing their attack, made himfelf matter of this fleet. 
In the fiege of the town he alfo materially affifted. It 


was prefled with decifive ardour; the enemy were 
obliged to capitulate, upon terms perfectly agreeable to 
Elizabeth, and afterwards to negociate a peace. The 
vice-admiral was joined, fome time after, with Robert 
Beale, efq. in a miflion to Holland, requiring reftitution 
for certain infults experienced by Englifh individuals at 
the hands of the Dutch. 

The ever memorable armada called anew into exercife 
the abilities of the veteran, Winter. He commanded 
the Vanguard, a fliip of five hundred tons, carrying two 
hundred and fifty manners ; and was ftationed off Calais, 
together with lord Henry Seymour, there to await the 
approaches of thehoftile fleet, and alfo to be in readinefs 
to reinforce the lord admiral, Charles Howard. On the 
27th of July, 1588, the Spaniards came to an anchor 
before Calais, while Howard, inftantly joined by Win- 
ter and Seymour, anchored likewife not far from the 
enemy. Sir William Winter fuflained a very confider- 
able part in the engagements which enfued : he was 
ever in the heat of each action, performing feats of the 
rnoft eminent valour, with the vigour of youth, and the 
judgment of years. 

This is the laft of his recorded tranfa&ions, and it is 
probable that death foon -afterwards clofed his ufeful and 
honourable career. 





THOMAS lord Clinton, the father of Edward, de- 
fcended of a long line of illuttrious ancestors, died of the 
fweating ficknefs in 1518, at the early age of twenty- 
fix j leaving his fon, who was born about the year 1515, 
to the inactivity of a long minority. Edward took his 
feat in the houfe of Peers in 1537. 

In 1545, having previoufly diftingnifhed himfelf in 
the celebrated tournament given by Henry VIII. to- 
wards the latter part of his reign, lord Clinton accom- 
panied the earl of Hertford in his irruptioa into Scot- 
land ; he conducted himfelf fo gallantly in this enter- 
prize, that he obtained the honour of knighthood from 
that commander. During the fummer of the fame 
year, he fuftained a part in the expedition commanded 
by vifcount Lifle, with increafed reputation. 

With the commencement of the reign of Edward 
VI. began alfo that feries of good fortune which conti- 
nued to favour the exertions of lord Clinton, with aug- 
menting fuccefs, during his fucceeding years. For the 
diftin&ion of admiral of the North Sea, the pofleffion 



of which at this time he had attained, it is probable that 
he Hood indebted to his firft commander, the earl of 
Hertford, then duke of Somerfet, and protector. He 
was, therefore, entrufted with the effective command of 
that fleet, fo ably equipped by lord Seymour, and def- 
tined to aflift the operations of the protector againft the 
Scots *. It appears that lord Clinton had before, in 
the reign of Henry VIII. executed an almoft fimilar 
commiflion in the fame quarter ; carrying off the Sala- 
mander and Unicorn, two of the enemy's beft fliips, 
and a number of veflels. He now continued in thefe 
parts long after the engagement of the loth of Septem- 
ber 1547, and with profperity far exceeding his former 
ravages on the Scottifh coafts : for he burnt the fea- 
ports, with the fmall craft lying in their harbours, and 
fcarched every creek, and all the mouths of rivers, with 
fuch determined perfeverance, that he did not leave one 
fhip of force or burden to that kingdom. 

The next year, 1548, lord Clinton was appointed to 
the government of Boulogne. In 1549 t ^ ie French, 
under a young and afpiring prince, Henry II. began 
the recovery of thofe parts of their territory (till in the 
hands of the Englifli, by befieging Boulogne. Though 
every exertion that could be expected of a brave com- 
mander, feconded by a refolute garrifon, was made to 
repulfe the French, and though fome of thefe valiant 
efforts fucceeded, yet it was found impracticable to hold 
out beyond the fpring of 1550. There exifls not a 
doubt of lord Clinton having honourably and fully ex- 
erted himfelf on this trying occafion ; iince, though 

* The particulars of this expedition are detailed in the life of the lord high 
admiral Seymour; brother to the protestor. 

Q^ 2 Somerfet, 


Somerfet, his friend, was accufed, among other (tpnge 
charges, of carelefsly refigning Boulogne, Clinton, on 
the completion of the treaty between France and Scot- 
land and England, was conftituted lord high admiral for 
life, and had large grants of land awarded him by the 
king, in confideration of his eminent fervices to the 
ftate. On the arrival of the marfhal of ' France at 
Gravcfend, entrufted with the order of St. Michael for 
king Edward, lord Clinton conducted him to London. 

Mary continued to lord Clinton the truil of lord high 
admiral ; (he alfo inverted him with the order of the 
garter ; and, in 1558, file commiflloned him to revenge 
a lofs that preyed deeply on her heart the lofs 6f Ca- 
lais. With a fleet of one hundred and forty fail, to 
which were added thirty of Flemings by king Philip, 
the lord high admiral put to fea in July, his great ob- 
ject the reduction of Breft. Finding the main point of 
his orders impoffible to be effected, he landed at Con- 
quet in Britanny, which, together with the abbey of 
St. Michael, and feveral of the adjacent places, were 
facked and burnt. The Englifh, having executed this 
retaliation, retired to their ihips, while the Flemings, 
not fo provident, rambled up into the country, and 
were nearly all cut off in their retreat. But both were 
deftined to ac~b a part of yet greater moment. The 
count d'Egmont, governor of Flanders, advancing to- 
wards Gravel ines, encountered de Termes, governor of 
Calais, with an inferior force. Fortunately fome of 
the Englifh (hips, which were accidentally on the coafts, 
hearing the noife of camion, and concluding it to pro- 
ceed from battle, entered the river near the fcene of 
action, and, having ranged in a line with their broad- 


Tides towards the French army, they fo galled the right 
wing of the enemy with cannon, that it could no longer 
Hand the tremendous fire. It foon gave way ; and, a 
panic at once feizing the remaining ranks, the victory 
on the Spanifli fide became complete: two thoufand 
French were killed on the fpot ; numbers of them were 
knocked on the head, by peafants, in retreating ; and 
among numerous prifoners was de Termes himfelf, 
wounded. D'Egmont prefented the Engliih two hun- 
dred of his captives as a recompence for their fervice, 
which were carried in triumph to the queen. This en- 
gagement was fought on the 3d of July 1558. 

Lord Clinton, on the acceflion of Elizabeth, was pe- 
culiarly diftinguifhed by that queen. Very early in 
her reign fhe numbered him with her privy council ; 
{he afterwards fent him, with the earl of Warwick, 
againft the infurrecYion of the earls of Northumberland 
and Weftmoreland; and, in the I4th of her reign, ad-^ 
vanced him to the title of earl of Lincoln. He was 
then nominated one of the commiflLon for the trial of 
the duke of Norfolk ; and, fhortly after this, appointed 
to treat of the marriage of Elizabeth with the duke of 

The earl of Lincoln had three wives : Elizabeth, 
daughter of fir John Blount, widow of Gilbert lord 
Talboys, and at one time concubine to Henry VIII. 
Urfula, daughter of William lord Stourton ; Eliza- 
beth, daughter of Gerald Fitzgerald, earl of Kildare. 
.He died in the year 1584 ; and was buried on the fouth 
fide of the collegiate chapel of St George at Windfor. 




THIS nobleman was the firft fon of Thomas Howard, 
duke of Norfolk, by his fecond marriage with Agnes, 
daughter of fir Hugh Tilney, and fitter and heir to fu; 
Philip Tilney of Lincolnfhire. 

To lord William Howard were entrufled feveral emi- 
nent einbailies during the reign of Henry VIII. who 
feems, indeed, to have had a genuine attachment towards 
his family ; for though William was arrefted by that 
king's orders, and committed to the^wer, on the difco- 
very of the infidelities of Catherine Howard, Henry's 
fifth queen, and niece to William, yet his confmeinent 
was but of fhort continuance, and bore no kind of pro- 
portion to the difpleafure which the conduct of his fe- 
male relative had excited in the breaft of the monarch. 
He was afterwards received into great favour by Ed- 
ward VI. and made deputy of Calais in 1552. 

On the acceflion of Mary he became yet more fuc- 
cefsful. That princefs, perceiving him to be a perforj 
of real yalour, and finding that his deportment had ever 
been characterized by unfliaken fidelity to the fovereigns 
under whofe reigns he had flourifhed ? firft raifed him to 



the dignity of a baron of the realm, by the title of lord 
Howard of Effingham, March the nth of 1554; and 
then, on the 2d of the fame month, to the important 
truft of lord high admiral. He was further advanced, on 
the 8th of April following, to be lieutenant-general of 
all her majefty's forces at fea, and alfo lord chamberlain 
of the houfehold. 

It was the wifti of Mary that lord Howard, with the 
Englifh fleet, fhould proceed towards Spain, in order to 
efcort over her confort king Philip, and for this end the 
admiral put to fea ; but fo high were the difcontents of 
the failors, when acquainted with the queen's wifhes, 
that it was thought rafli any longer to perfift in the 
intention of going in quefl of Philip, and the admiral 
was therefore ordered to cruize about the coafts. Mary's 
precautions for her huiband foon proved to be extremely 
ridiculous, as Philip (liortly after entered the narrow 
feas with a fleet of one hundred and fixty fail. The 
Spaniard had the weaknefs and vanity to carry the 
Spanish flag in his main top, a circumftance that foon 
rouzed all the feelings of the Englifh commander, who 
immediately faluted him with a (hot, and obliged 
him to take in his colours before he would make his 
compliments to the prince. Such an a&ion needs not 
the feeble teftimony of individual praife ; it is worthy of 
everlaftirig remembrance. 

Elizabeth, who next afcended the Englifh throne, 
was too noble not to be affected with the merits of fuch 
a commander as lord Howard, and too lagacious to per- 
mit any circumftance of religious opinion to deprive her 
of the fer vices which fuch abilities were calculated to 
perform. He was employed on feveral millions, and 
0.4 '* 


ill quelling the infurrecYion of the earls of Northum- 
berland and Weftmoreland ; and received from her the 
order of the garter. He prefided, during this reign, at 
the trial of the duke of Norfolk. 

He died about the i^th of Elizabeth, and was baried, 
according to his will, in Ryegate church. 

THE unhappy reign of Mary is remembered for few 
events mpre than for the lofs of Calais, which was re- 
covered by France in January 1558. Thus did we lofe, 
in eight days, a place which had coft Edward III. eleven 
months fiege, and which we had now held two hundred 
and ten years. Whether Calais were beneficial or in- 
jurious to the Englifh, its lofs is clearly to be attributed 
to the queen's marrying Philip of Spain. At any other 
era the nation would have fired at the report of fuch 
fuccefs on the part of France, and would have exerted 
every means in order to arreft the victorious progrefs of 
the ancient enemy ; but nqw it was feared to enter 
into hoftilities in which the king of Spain mnft take 
part, left the fortune of the war fhould by Philip be 
turned to his own finifler ends. 

Two or three voyages of difcovery were profecuted. 
during this fliort and diffracted reign. STEPHEN 
BURROUGHS was fitted out in order to purfue and per- 
fect the attempt, fo unfortunately made by fir Hugh 
Willoughby, to find a paflage by the north to the Eafl 
Indies ; but in this Burroughs alfo failed, though he 
pafled as far as the ftraits of Weygatz, In 1555-6 



captain CHANCELLOR made two additional voyages to 
Ruffia, on behalf of the Ruffia company, who were 
now incorporate, and who had appointed him their 
grand pilot. He readied Mofcow on the eleventh of 
October 1555, and being admitted to an audience of 
the czar, obtained to the company thofe decifive privi- 
leges upon which they have fince fo fuccefsfully traded, 
eftablifh'mg at the fame time that liberal intercourfe 
between Ruffia and England which has ever been ac- 
companied with the moft momentous and falutary ef- 
fects to both countries. Chancellor effe&ed his third 
andlaft voyage in 1566. He was again moft courteoufly 
received by the czar, who deputed Ofep Napea, a per- 
fon much in the emperor's confidence, with rich prc- 
fents to Mary and Philip, his ambafiador into England. 
Ofep Napea, together with fixteen of his countrymen 
attendants, embarked for England July the 2Oth, 1556, 
on board the Edward Bonaventure, which was laden 
with goods to the amount of twenty thoufand pounds. 
The Confidenza, the Bona Speranza, and the Philip and 
Mary, were the fhips in company with that on board of 
which were the Ruffians and captain Chancellor. They 
experienced a tempeftuous fea ; the Confidenza and 
Bona Speranza were loft, nor did the Philip and Mary 
arrive in the Thames till the iSth of April 1557. 
More afflicting than that of the two loft ihips was the 
fate of the Edward Bonaventure ; after beating the fea 
for the fpace of four months, {lie arrived, November the 
loth, 1556, on the coaft of Scotland, where having 
parted from her anchors, and being driven on the rocks, 
{he fplit. Captain Chancellor, intent only on faving 
fhe life of the ambaflador, tqok him, with as many of 



his attendants as he could, into the boat. The boat wa* 
thus probably ovc'iet ere it could reach the fhore, and 
Chancellor perifhed. It was with fignal difficulty that 
the ambaffador, with a few of his attendants, were refcu- 
ed from fimilar deftru&ion. The (hip with her whole 
cargo, the czar's prefents, and the ambaffador's bag- 
gage, were either loft in the Tea or plundered by the in- 
habitants. As foon as the company were apprized of 
thefe events, they deputed two of the body to wait upon 
Ofep Napea, and attend him towards London, within 
twelve miles of which metropolis he was met on Fe- 
bruary the 27th, 1557, by eighty merchants, richly at- 
tired*, who conducted him to a merchant's houfe, 
within four miles of the city. Here his excellency was 
fuperbly refitted, at the expence of the Rufiia company. 
He entered the city in great ftate, on February the 28th, 
and on the 20th of April following had his public au- 
dience at court. 

The Ruffian ambafiador failed from Gravefend, on 
his return, May the i2th, 1557, on board the Primrofe, 

* They all had chains of gold about their necks ; their fcrvants alfo were 
very numerous, in one uniform livery, and well mounted. 

Near the city four merchants prefented him with a (lately gelding magnifi- 
cently caparifoned, which he immediately mounted. He was met by the 
lord vifcount Mon^.ue, and numbers of the nobility, &c. with the queen*s 
compliments. At Smithfield bars the lord mayor and court of aldermen in 
their robes waited to receive him ; and in this manner was he conducted to 
apartmsnts provided by the company for his reception in Fenchurch Street. 

On the 29th of April, 1557, he was fumptuoufly entertained by the fo- 
ciety at Drapers' hall. And a cup of wine being drank to him in their 
name, they entreated him that he would permit them to defray all charges, 
both for his pcrfon and attendants, from the hour of his fetting foot in Scot- 
land to the time fixed for his departure from Gravefend, the third of May 
approaching. Such were the honouis which diftingui/hed the arrival of the 

4 commanded 


Commanded by captain Anthony Jenkinfon, and in, 
company with the St. John the Evangelift, the Ann, 
and the Trinity. They reached in fafety the bay of St. 
Nicholas, where they difembarked July the i2th, 1557, 
and proceeded to Mofcow. Captain Jenkinfon met 
with a moll grateful reception from the Czar. Jenkin- 
fon afterwards penetrated, though with infinite labour, 
and almoft incredible danger, into Bucharia,' having 
traverfed the countries bordering on the Cafpian fea, and 
thus became the firft difcoverer of the Periian trade, by 
the way of Mufcovy. 




AMBROSE DUDLEY was the third fon of the great 
duke of Northumberland, and came to the title of earl 
of Warwick on the demife of his brother John, who, 
attainted with their father, by the parliament held the 
jfl of Philip and Mary, died in prifon foon after, with- 
out ifiue. Ambrofe, reflored to blood by the clemency 
of queen Mary, in the 5th of Philip and Mary, foon 
occupied fituations of eminence in the {late. 

Signally as the favour of Mary was difplayed in his 
reftitution, the acceffion of queen Elizabeth muft be 
neverthelefs confidered a fortunate circumflance for 
Warwick. He was, on this event, immediately re- 
inftated in the full patrimony of his anceftors; and ex- 
perienced, at the hands of the new fovereign, a fuccef- 
fion of honours and emoluments. Elizabeth, in 1559, 
gave him the place of mafter of the ordnance for life, 
and, before the clofe of 1562, he was made captain- 
general of all her majefty's fubjedls in Normandy, an 
appointment of a nature rather fmgular. The hu- 
guenots had long fued for her protection, offering to 
put the port of Havre de Grace, then called Newhaven, 
into her hands. She, at length, liftened to the wifhes 
and accepted the conditions of this perfecuted people. 



Warwick was difpatched, in September 1562, with a 
confiderable fleet, on board of which were fome excel- 
lent forces, to the relief of the French proteftants,, 
The treachery of the inhabitants of the port, and ap- 
pearances of a peftilence among the Englifli foldiers, at 
the moment when they were likely to be clofely and 
vigoroufly befieged by France, induced Warwick to 
furrender the town of Havre de Grace, July 29, 1563 : 
hut the furrender was made on terms highly honour- 
able to England, and fuch only as were ftriclly compa- 
tible with the fafety of the proteftants. While in Havre 
de Grace, the earl of Warwick received the order of 
the garter ; a pleafing teftimonial of his fovereign's 
attention and approbation. 

He feems to have been particularly happy in ac- 
quiring the good opinion of Elizabeth ; and not lef* 
fortunate in confirming what he had fo happily ac- 
quired. He was made lieutenant-general of the forces 
which, aided by lord Clinton, were raifed to quell the 
northern disturbances ; in 1570, he was appointed chief 
butler of England ; in 1572,. admitted to the privy 
council ; he prefuled, on that year, at the trial of Nor- 
folk ; and, in 1586, at that of Mary queen of Scots. 

Ambrofe earl of Warwick died the 2ift of February, 
1589, at Bedford Houfe in the fuburbs of London, 
and was buried at Warwick, in a chapel adjoining the 
collegiate church. He married three wives : Anne, 
daughter and coheir to William Whorwood, efq. at- 
torney general to Henry VIII. Elizabeth, daughter of 
lir Gilbert Talboys, knight, and fifter and fole heir of 
George lord Talboys j and Anne, daughter to Francis 
earl of Bedford, but he had no offspring. 






DEAR to the heart, and proud to the imagination of 
Englifhmen, is the age on which we are entering, the 
age of Elizabeth ; a fovereign who had the fpirit to refcue 
ner country from a ftate of the moft humiliating defpon- 
dency ; and who, having fucceeded in reviving the an- 
cient temper of her people, eftabliftied, by her vvifdom 
and firmnefs, the profperity to which (he had conducted 
them. Her reign is diftinguifhed by a long lift of illuf- 
trious naval characters a Drake, a Howard, a Hawkins, 
a Raleigh. We open this fplendid fcene with the life of 
the High Admiral, in whofe hiftory are involved the 
leading tranfadtions of the Englifli navy during the era 
of queen Elizabeth* 

Charles Howard, baron of Effingham, afterwards earl 
of Nottingham, and high admiral, was the elder fon of 
Howard earl of Effingham by a fecond marriage. He 
was born towards the clofe of the reign of Henry VIII. 
in the year 1536. The a&ive fituation of his parent, 
'who, as we have feen, was lord admiral to Mary, did not 



permit the youth of Charles to pafs away inefficient and 
indolent. Charles, on the contrary, ferved under his fa- 
ther in feveral expeditions which preceded the ac- 
ceflion of Elisabeth. During the firft years of her 
reign he was deputed into France to compliment 
Charles IX. who had juft afcended the throne ; and he 
was, afterwards, a general of horfe in the army headed 
by Warwick againft the earls of Northumberland and 
Weftmoreland. His next fervice was in the efcort of 
Anne of Auftria, daughter of Maximilian the emperor, 
to the coaft of Spain. In 1571 he was chofen to parlia- 
ment as knight of the {hire for the county of Surry ; and 
very foon after fucceeded his father in title and eftates. 

Never did fovereign evince more difcretion than was 
difplayed by Elizabeth in the general distribution of ho- 
nour : her favours were not eafily procured, and they 
were therefore exceedingly prized. She made Charles, 
now lord Effingham, chamberlain of the houfehold, and, 
on the 24th of April 1573, a knight of the garter. On 
the death of the earl of Lincoln, in 1585, the queen im- 
mediately determined to raife lord Effingham to the pod 
of high admiral. To this office he came with the una- 
nimous approbation of the people, and highly to the 
gratification of the feamen, by whom he was greatly 

Philip of Spain, the hulband of Mary, in vain exerted 
his arts to acquire that afcendancy with Elizabeth which 
he had formerly gained over her credulous and infatuat- 
ed lifter. He wiflied alfo to become the hufband of Eli- 
zabeth, but his propofals were uniformly rejected. No 
doubt this difappointment not a little heightened hisdif- 
like of the Englifh ; and at length urged him, among 



many powerful polititical confiderations, to the 
which he made for the fubverficm and deftruction of the 
country. Elizabeth, always vigilant, foon penetrated 
the dreadful fclieme. As early as 1574, there is not 
any thing more frequent in our annals than inftradlions 
for viewing fortifications ; for inquiring into the condi- 
tion of the militia*; taking frequent mufters ; and, in- 
deed, for inflituting every kind of examination into the 
ftrength and extent of the national refources. It ap- 
pears, by this inquifition, that the ferviceable men 
throughout England were computed at 182,929 ; of 
whom, fuchas were armed, and in a capacity of imme- 
diate action, were reckoned to be 62,464 ; and of light 
horfe 2,566. The royal navy, in 1548, amounted to 
no more than twenty-four fhips of all fixes : among 
thefe the largeft, the Triumph, was one thoufand tons 
burden, and the fmalleft was under fixty tons. At the 
fame time, all our fhips of one hundred tons and up- 
wards were but one hundred and thirty-five ; and all 
under one hundred, and upwards of forty tons, were fix 
hundred and fixty-fix. " The queen employed herfelf in 
augmenting this force, which, after all, bore no fair 
proportion to the enemy. Nor did fhe negle6l, under 
the menaced invafion, to invigorate the commerce of 
her fubje&s, and even to affail the enemy in every vul- 
nerable direction. " A maritime power injured, in- 
ftead of expoftulating, immediately makes reprifals." 
With great juftice did Elizabeth acquire the glorious 
diftindtion of the RESTORER OF NAVAL POWER, and 


But, while the queen was replenishing her maga- 
zines ; while ordering the conftrudtion of new cannon ; 


and while commanding the manufacture of a (lore of 
gunpowder, the firft that England produced ; ihe took 
other methods, befides thofe already fpeeified, of did reff- 
ing and confounding her foes. Having detected the prin- 
cipal engines by whcm Philip propofed the accompliih- 
ment of his plans, inftead of expoilng or deftroying 
them, fhe contrived to turn them to her own preferva- 
tion ; though they remained, all the time, and in their 
own eftimation, the agents and the penfioners of Spain*. 
Philip, far from deeming it expedient to conceal the 
nature and intention of his preparations againft England* 
arrogated to himfelf fuch ideas of infallible fuccefs, that 
lie publifhed aloud both the extent and the force of his 


cording to the, lift which announced this equipment, 
and which was publifhed in Latin and in moft of the 
European languages, except Englifh, the armada con- 
fifted of 130 {hips, making in all 57,868 tons; on 
board of it were 19,295 foldiers, 8,450 mariners, 2,088 
flaves, with 2,630 pieces of cannon, alfo 124 volunteers 
of quality, and about 180 monks. Added to this force^ 
there was a large fleet of tenders, with a prodigious 
quantity of arms on board, intended for thofe who 

* She caufed the Spani/h ambaflador, Mendoza, whofe arts might have 
been otherwife dangerous, had he remained here, to be fo wrought on as to 
forfeit his charafter, by fuborning perfons to murder fecretary Cecil; and 
Mfpread libels in the night through the fireets, reflecting on htrfclf. The 
Spanilh emifla-.ies employed to fcduce her people, (he took care to engage 
in plots againft her perfon, whereby they became fpeedily obnoxious to a 
legal conviction, and fo were brought to an ignominous death, equally ter- 
rible and fhameful to the papal facYion. This appears clearly from the 
cafes of Parry and other confpirators, with whom her fecretaries played till 
their t'.eafons were ripe, and then feized and convicted them. 

R WUJ(1 


would join them. Towards the clofe of May 1588, 
the refpe&ivc officers repaired on board the armada at 
Lifbon ; and in a few days after the whole was in rea- 
dinefs to fail. They left Lifbon on the ift of June, 
with hopes as great as ever yet deluded the mod con- 
fident ambition, and with a pomp commenfurate to 
their hopes. To contribute to the {late and impreffion 
of this force, twelve of the ihips were named after the 
twelve apoftles. 

Such formidable proceedings might have juftified no 
inconfiderable alarm among the people upon whom they 
were deftined to aft : without betraying, however, any 
fymptoms of difmay, Elizabeth and her minifters per- 
formed all that prudence and courage could achieve. 
There were not wanting advifers filly enough to fuggeft, 
that the enemy fhould be allowed to land, and then 
welcomed with a warm martial falute : but thofe who 
then fo happily directed the national councils thought 
more wifely upon the fubjedt., and by confulting the na- 
val reputation, confulted alfo the true interefts of Eng- 
land. A good fleet, although by no means fo numerous 
as the Spani(h, long fmce prepared for the impending 
ftorm, was put under the command of lord Howard of 
Effingham, who had for his vice-admiral fir Francis 
Drake, and for his rear-admiral fir John Hawkins, and 
who was alfo affifted with many other experienced of- 
ficers : they were ordered to lie on the weft coaft, in 
readinefs to receive the enemy. Lord Henry Seymour, 
with count Naflau, cruifed on the coaft of Flanders, 
to watch the movements of the prince of Parma, - wha 
w?s expelled to attempt a defcent. 

When the miniilry difcountenanced a land defence, 
6- thev 


they difliked it merely while propofed as the chief bar- 
rier to invafion, for they" were too confiderate to be in- 
fenfible to its juft importance, if viewed as a laft refource, 
when the foe fhould have landed. An army of 81,000 
men, well appointed, and wifely diftributed, under the 
joint command of the earl of Leicefter and lord Hunf- 
don, were occupied in the internal defence of the ftate. 

The lord admiral having collected the whole of his 
fleet, about ninety fail, and victualled them at Ply- 
mouth, put to fea, and lay off and on in the channel, 
between Ulhant and Scilly. 

All parts of the kingdom were at once animated by 
the vigour of government, and became equally emulous 
in feconding its meafures. The city of London ad- 
vanced great fums of money to the queen ; and, on being 
defired to furnifh 5000 men and 15 mips, they inftanta- 
neoufly fupplied 10,000 men and 30 {hips ! There was 
indeed no apprehenfion on the countenances, no hefita- 
tion in the minds of Englifhmen : the hearts of the 
people were as the heart of one man, filled with love of 
his native land, and with joy and alacrity in its defence. 

The Spaniards had hardly proceeded in their voyage 
when they were fo affailed by the fury of the elements, 
as to be obliged to put into the Groine. This circum- 
fhnce, but for the reafonings of lord Howard, had pro- 
bably proved more difadv^otagebus to the Englifti than 
to their enemies. It became now the univerfal report 
that the armada was deftroyed ; and though the mi- 
nifters did not credit the full extent of the account, they 
yet concluded the Spanifli fleet to be fo much damaged, 
that they would not be enabled to proceed till another 
year, and therefore Walfinghain, who thought his in- 
R 2 telligence 


telligence fo far correct, fignified the queen's pleafarc 
to the lord admiral to fend back four of his largeft (hips 
into port. The admiral received the fame information 
as the court, but, doubting its truth, retained the four 
fhips, alleging the danger of immediate credulity in 
circumftances fo eventful, and adding that he would 
rather keep the four fhips out at his own charge than 
expofe the nation to fuch a hazard. Howard now bore 
away towards Spain, and picked up fuch news of the 
holtile fleet as foon confirmed the propriety of his re- 
cent conduct : he therefore regained Plymouth by the 
1 2th of July, and fpeedily fupplied himfelf with fuch 
flores as were wanting. 

Meanwhile the Spaniards became in fome degree en- 
trapped in a fnare from which Howard had fo fortu- 
nately efcaped : meeting with an JEnglifh nfherman, 
while they lay at the Groine, who, either ignorantly or 
defignedly, gave information that the Englifli fleet, 
lately at fea, had, feeing no profpeft of the Spaniards 
purfuing their defign that year,' returned, and difcharged 
the greater part of the failors ; hearing this the duke of 
Medina Sidonia, the Spanifh commander, was induced 
to depart from his orders*, with the view of furpriling 

* His orders were To repair, as wind and weather would allow, to the, 
road of Calais, and there to wait a junction with the duke of Parma's 
fleet ; then, upon their meeting, to have opened a letter directed to both, 
with further orders. He was efj ecially commanded to fail, till this time, 
along the Ooafts of Britanny and Normandy, avoiding the ErgHfh, with 
refpect to whom, if he fliould unexpectedly meet them, hs was as yet to 
act purely on the defenfive. To the breach of their orders the Spani'fh 
court afterwards imputed the mifcarriage of the enterprize. The dukr 
e fcaped punifliment through the intereft of his wife, but don Diego' Flcres 
de Valdez, whofe perfuafions greatly induced the duke to his raih ftep, 
king conducted to the cattle of St Andero, was never heard of more. 



the Engiifli, and thus deftroying their fleet. Falling 
in with the Lizard, which they miftook for the Ram's 
Head near Plymouth, towards night, they flood off to 
fea till morning, in which interval they were defcried by 
Fleming, a Scotch pirate *, who bore away inflantly for 
Plymouth, and gave the lord admiral notice. 

It was at four p.m. July 19, that Howard received 
this critical information. The feafon had fo far ad- 
vanced that the Englifh began to feel little thought of 
an enemy, and were almoft lulled into a fatal fecurity : 
but the lord admiral was equal to his fituation. He, to 
flimulate others, not only appeared and gave orders in 
every thing himfelf, but worked likevvife with his own 
hands, and with no more than fix {hips got the firft 
night out of Plymouth, and the next morning, though 
increafed only to thirty, and thefe the fmalleft of the 
fleet, attacked the Spaniard. On the 2Oth of July, 
feeing the Spanish navy drawn up in a half moon, fail- 
ing flowly through the channel, its wings being near 
feven miles afunder, the admiral permitted them to 
pafs, that, having the advantage of the wind, he might 
the more effectually affail them in the rear. And he 
performed this intention, on the enfuing day, with fuch 
courage and fuccefs, that he compelled don Martinez; 
de Ricalde, who did, notwithstanding, all that a brave 
officer could do, to retire with confiderable lofs and \r\ 
evident confufion. 

* This man was, in reality, the caufe of the abfolute ruin of the Spa- 
niards; for the prefervation of the Englifh was undoubtedly owing to his 
providential difcovery of the enemy. At the requeft of the lord-admiral, 
the queen afterwards granted a pardon to Fleming for his piracies, and a 
penfion for the fervice he had rendered t ) the nation in his timely inti T 
piation of the approach of the Spanim fleet. 

R 3 Many 


Many days were confumed in immaterial engage- 
ments, or in plans which proved incapable of execution ; 
while the Spaniards, the wind favouring them, conti- 
nued their courfe up the channel, and anchored before , 
Calais on the a;th of July. This was nearly the point 
at which Howard wifhed them to arrive, as he was by 
this means enabled to join lord Henry Seymour, and 
fir William Winter, who had waited with a frefh fqua- 
dron in the ftraits of Dover. He now found himfelf 
decidedly ftrengthened, commanding near one hundred 
and forty fhips, and receiving daily additions, either of 
fupply or force, from the public fpirited conduct of in- 
dividuals. On the 28th it was therefore determined to 
effect a ftratagem long meditated againft the enemy. 
The admiral, at the queen's particular defire, picked out 
eight of his worft fhips, and, depofiting in thefe plenty 
of pitch, tar, rofin, and wild-fire, and having charged 
their cannon with bullets and chains, he fent them, be- 
fore wind and with tide, about two hours after midnight, 
under the conduct of Young and Provvfe, into the midfr. 
of the Spanifh fleet. The approach of thefe, veffels, 
which had been kindled by the two officers ere they 
quitted them, was no fooner perceived by the Spaniards, 
than the whole fleet became victims of the inoft dread- 
ful confirmation. Numbers of the enemy had wit- 
neffed the deftrudYion attendant on the machines that 
were employed at the fiege of Antwerp ; and naturally 
fufpeting that the prefent, which already effected fuch 
a prodigious blaze, as to reprefent the Iky and ocean in 
one united and general conflagration, were big with a 
fate equally tremendous, they fet up a moft hideous cry 



of Cut your cables and get up your anchors, and immedi- 
ately put to fea with the utmoft precipitation. 

The neptt day, July 30, an admiral-galeafs ran afliore 
on the fands of Calais, where (he was taken by the Eng- 
lifh, though not till don Hugo de Moncada, her captain, 
was killed, and her hands, to the number of four hun- 
dred, either drowned or involved in the fate of their 
brave commander. Eager to retrieve, if poffible, their 
accumulated diftrefies, the enemy collected near Grave- 
ling, where, however, after fruitlefsly waiting for fornc 
relief from the prince of Parma, and finding themfelves 
hard preffed by the fire of the Englifh, they made a re- 
folute effort to retreat through the ftraits of Dover, 
But the wind corning about, with hard gales at N. W. : 
they were at firft driven on the coafts of Zealand, which 
they yet efcaped by the wind foon after veering to S. W. 
It is faid that when the Spanifh admiral gave the fignal 
for weighing anchor, on the approaches of the fire- 
ihips, he did it only to avert prefent danger, and ordered 
that each {hip, the danger avoided, fhould return to her 
iliation. He certainly adted upon this plan, and at the- 
fame time fired a gun as a fignal for the fleet to rendez- 
vous: but his fignal was purpofely mifunderflood by 
fomc, and could not be diftinguifhed by others whofe pa- 
nic had carried them a confiderable way out to fea> lo 
that when he collected near Graveling, his force was 
' fadly diminifhed. The duke, taking all circumitances 
into view, now fummoned a council of war, by which 
it was refolved, that, as there were no hopes of fuccefs 
remaining, it would be more eligible to throw up their 
defign, and to fave as many {hips as poffible. 

R 4 The 


The execution of this refolve admitted no delay. The 
whole Spanifh navy made all the fail they could for 
their own fhores, going north about. 

The Spaniards had directed their courfe towards Zea- 
land, chiefly with the view of being at hand to receive 
reinforcements from the dilatory Parma ; but here again 
they were difappointed by the wifdom of the lord ad- 
miral, who had fent lord Henry Seymour with a flout 
fquadron to cruife off Zealand. Thus fruftrated, they 
refolved to return to Spain by north of the Britifh ifles. 
Arriving on the Scottifh coaft, purfuant to their lafl re- 
folution, and finding they were effectually prevented 
from acquiring any fupplies, they threw their horfes 
and mules overboard, to fave water. Meanwhile the 
lord admiral, leaving lord Seymour to affift the blockade 
of the duke of Parma, and having ftationed fir William 
Winter, with another fquadron, in the narrow feas, 
purfued the Spanifh fleet as far as the Frith of Forth, 
where he thought to deftroy them. But the Spaniards 
kept on their courfe by the Orkneys, the Weftern 
Ifles, and Ireland. The lord admiral perceiving, at 
length, that the real purpofe of this divifion of the ene- 
my's fleet was merely to efcape, defifted from the pur- 
fuit; for he found himfelf much contracted in provi- 
fions, and deftitute of almoft every thing that was re- 
quifite to a fuccefsful profecution of the chace. A part 
of the Spanifh fleet, fuch of them as were properly 
ftored, with the duke de Medina Sidonia on board, had 
made dire6lly for the Bay of Bifcay. 

What they miffed at the hands of Howard, was, how- 
f yer, fpeedily inflicted on the hoftile fleet by the fury 



of the elements. On the fecond of September, a tem- 
peit arofe, which drove mofl of them afhore, and up- 
wards of thirty {hips and many thoufand men perilhed 
on the Irifh coaft. Some were a fecond time forced 
back into the Engliih channel, and there captured either 
by the Englifh or by the Rochellers : others were cafl 
away among the Weftern Ifles. 

Such was the fate of the Great Spanifh Armada ! 
It took no lefs than three year's preparing: it was de- 
ilroyed in one month. It at firfl numbered one hun- 
dred and thirty fine ihips, completely manned, and 
amply provided : but no more than thirty -four of thefe, 
many of them in a Shattered, all in a neceffitous, 
condition, regained the Spanifh coafts ; and there pe- 
rifhed at leaft 20,000 of the individuals who had fo 
eagerly embarked in the enterprize. It left Spain with 
the character of Invincibility ; and its firft progrefs 
feemed to alarm all Europe for the fate of the Britifh 
ifle : but that which had roufed the amazement, now 
excited the derifion of the world. 

The king of Spain is by fome faid to have received 
the intelligence of this difafter with great ftoicifm ; but 
this neither accords with the expectations which were 
raifed of the fuccefs of his fleet, nor with the treatment of 
don Diego Florez de Valdez, nor with Philip's procla- 
mation to prohibit mourning on the event. Far more 
probable is the account, that, being at mafs when the 
news was brought to him, Philip fware, after mafs, 
" he would wafte and con fume his crown, even to the 
value of a candleftick (pointing to one that flood upon 
the altar), but either that he would utterly ruin Eliza- 


beth and England, or elfe that himfelf and all Spain 
fhould become tributary to her." As to Elizabeth, 
{he adopted that mode of exultation which became a 
chriftian princefs : fhe performed a public tbankfgiv- 
ing, which was conducted with great folemnity, at St. 
Paul's, where the colours and ftandards taken from the 
enemy were hung up : and fhe afterwards applied her- 
felf to the diflribution of thofe rewards which had been 
fo juftly merited by her navy *. 

On every occafion, during the whole of this trying 
fcene, and when victory was as yet indeterminate, the 
abilities and courage of the lord admiral fhone forth in 
pre-eminent luftre. It was owing to his magnanimity, 
experience, and prudence, that the defeat was at laft fo 
fignal ; and thofe who furmifed that our advantages 
might have been ftill greater, yet do not impute any 
want of exertion to Howard. The queen acknowledged 
his great merits in very expreflive terms. Though ex- 
tremely frugal, fhe awarded him a penfion for life ; and 
immediately after his expedition to the coaft of Spain, 
with the earl ofEflex, in 1596, fhe advanced him to 
the title and dignity of earl of Nottingham, declaring, 
in the patent, " That, by the victory obtained anno 
1588, he had fecured the kingdom of England from the 
invafion of Spain, and other impending dangers ; and 
did alfo, in conjunction with our Gear coufm Robert 

* Several medals were ftruck in commemoration of this glorious vic- 
tory : one, in honour of the queen, reprefented fire-fhips, and a fleet in 
hurry and confuiion, with the infcription Dux Ftemifia Fafii : on another, 
in honour of the Englifli navy, with the device of a fleet flying under full 
fail, was the motto Venit VUit Fuglt. ; 



farl of Eflex, feize by force the ifle and the ftrongly- 
fortified caftle of Cadiz, in the fm theft part of Spain; 
and did likewife entirely rout and defeat another fleet of 
the king of Spain, prepared in that port againft this 
kingdom." When the earl of Nottingham fir ft enter- 
ed the houfe of peers, he was received with the mod 
lively, and unufual marks of congratulation. He was 
fhortly after made lord juftice itinerant of all the forefcs 
fouth of Trent, for life. 

Circumftances of extreme delicacy and great appre- 
henfion again demanded the fervices of Nottingham : in 
1599, when the Spaniard meditated a new invafion, 
and when the conduct of the earl of EfTex had embroiled 
the concerns of Ireland, a good fleet and a large army 
were expeditioufly collected and put under the admiral's 
command, who bore, for the fpace of fix weeks, the very 
unufual and alrnoft unlimited authority of lord lieute- 
nant general of all England. When Efiex, quitting 
his poft in Ireland, afterwards gave himftlf up to rebel- 
lion, and fortified himfelf in his houfe in the Strand, 
confining the chancellor and the chief juftice with other 
nobles fent by the queen to inquire into his grievances ; 
Nottingham was fo fuccefsful in reducing this contuma- 
cious earl, as to obtain from Elizabeth an encomium 
which (he had often applied to the character of her ad- 
miral, that " he was born to ferve and to lave his coun- 
try !" The fame year the admiral was appointed one of 
the commiffioners for executing the office of earl-mar- 
ihal. To him, upon her death bed, the queen was alfo 
free to make known her intention with refpect to the 
fucceflionj an unequivocal proof of her regard for the 



earl of Nottingham, fince it was a difclofure for which 
fhe had hitherto been in vain fupplicated by her mod 
favoured minifters, and which, even at this time, fhe 
made to no one fo readily as the admiral : " Her throne 
((he faid) was a throne of kings;" and, by her iigns, 
directed the appointment of James of Scotland *. 

The acceffion of James by no means impeded the for- 
tunes of the earl of Nottingham. He was appointed 
lord high fteward, that he might affift at the coronation 
of the new fovereign ; and filled, fhortly after, the mofl 
brilliant embafly that this country had ever before de- 
puted. He was commiffioned to this employment, not 
as a man of very great fortune, but from the known ge- 
nerofity of his temper, and the number of his dependants 
who at their own charge were content to accompany 
him on the voyage. During his ftay at the Spanifh 
court, the dignified fplendour of his diplomatic character 
procured the admiration and refpe6l of that people; and 
at his departure, Philip III. made him prefents to the 
amount of . 20,000. Though this feafonable and even 
neceffary oftentation had, properly viewed, done honour 
to the Engliih government:, at leafb as much as to its 
agent, it was fome time ere Nottingham could entirely 
erafe from the mind of James the unlucky ufe to which 
his enemies had converted his unprecedented difplay 
of magnificence; thefe men knew but too well the 

* This account of the deceafe of queen Elizabeth evinces, on her part, 
an uncommon degree of attachment to the earl of Nottingham, whofe 
countefs'had been the perpetrator of an aft (vide Andrews's continuation 
of Henry's Hifirory of Grejt Britain, vol. I. p. 159 to 201) which is 
thought to have materially accelerated ths queen's end, 



temper of their mailer, to whom there was not any 
thing more oilenfive than a popular and refpected fub- 

But Nottingham difappointed the activity of his foes : 
he regained the confidence of the king; was felected to 
afTift at the marriage of the lady Elizabeth with the 
elector palatine, and afterwards efcorted her with a fcjua- 
dron to Flulliing. Difqualified by age, and its attendant 
infirmities, from profecuting the high duties of his of- 
fice, he fliorlly after refigned the poft of lord admiral to 
Villiers earl of Buckingham. As his eftate was rather 
contracted, and he had lately married a young wife, the 
terms of his refignation were that a debt of ^.1800 
due from him to the crown fliould be remitted ; that he 
fhould have an annual penfion of . 1000 and that he 
fhould take feat in the houfe as earl of Nottingham, 
according to his defcent, from the time of Richard II. 
Buckingham vifited the late admiral in perfon, returning 
him thanks for having refigned, and at the fame time 
prefenting his young countefs with .3002. Nor is there 
a doubt but that Buckingham truly efteemed his veteran 
predeceflbr; for he ever called him father, and bent his 
knee whenever he approached him. The life that had 
long been exercifed to the moft beneficial ends, expe- 
rienced, as it deferved, a calm and honourable clofe on 

* This is a trait very confpkuous in the hiftoiy of this monarch. He 
was always obferving to his nobles, when at court, " that t'v. y were there 
but little vefiHs failing round the maftsr-fli'p ; whereas, in t'.ie country, 
they were fo miny great fhips, each riding maj^fticaUy on its own ftrearr, 
and more diftinguifhed :" a device by which he hoped to lure th:m from 
the metropolis into fitiutbns in reality lefs favourable t; the op: rations of 
p 'pul.trity and ambit! 'jn. 



the eleventh of December, 16^4. The arl of Not- 
tingham died at the advanced age of eighty-eight. 

Extenfive as were the fervices, and acknowledged as 
were the abilities and merits, of Nottingham, yet has he 
not efcaped the ftri&ures of his contemporaries. To 
him is attributed, though ramly, fome portion of that 
envy which certainly too much influenced the court of 
Elizabeth; for it is fairly prefumable that the earl, 
who was of a generous and manly difpofition, has in this 
inftance been charged with the effects of the temper of 
his firft countefs, whofe enmity to Eflex feems unac- 

The perfon of Nottingham was graceful : his loyalty, 
hispatriotifm, his courage, are confpicuous in every a6t 
of a long and indefatigable life. He loved the fhte 
and hofpitality which were formerly attached to elevated 
rank ; of this his Spanifh embafify, and the practice of 
keeping " feven ftanding houfes at once," are inconteft- 
able proofs. On the whole, there is in the character of 
this nobleman much to admire, much to applaud, and 
very little to cenfure. 



SIR JOHN HAWKINS was the fon of William 
Hawkins, efq. by Joan, daughter of William Trelawny, 
efq. of Cornwall. The family of Hawkins were of 
Devonshire, and poflefled great opulence and refpe6ta~ 
bility. Under his father, who is celebrated for his 
voyages to Brazil, John moft probably acquired that 
found maritime knowledge which raifed him to fuch 
diftin&ion during the profperous years of queen Eliza- 
beth : he was early inclined to the ftudy of navigation, 
and became fo great a proficient in this fcience, that he 
was " employed by Elizabeth as an officer at fea, when 
fome, who were afterwards her chief commanders, were 
but boys, and learned the {kill, by which they rofe, from 

Having in the coui fe of his voyages to the Canaries, 
gained fome infight into the flave trade, he fuccceded 

Jwith his friends in engaging them to open a new traffic; 
firft to Guinea for flaves, and then' to Hifpaniola,.and 
other Spanifh iflands, for fugars, hides, (liver, &,c. He failed 
from England upon this (peculation in October 1562. 
Touching firft at Teneriffe, he proceeded to Guinea, 
where having obtained three hundred negroes, he failed 
directly to Hifpaniola, at which place he completed his 
purchafes and fales, and returned home in fafety, about 



September 1563. Another voyage, performed in nearly 
the fame direction, and tending to fimilar views, in 
1564-5, added fo much to his nautical reputation, that 
Harvey, then Clarencieux king at arms, granted him 
by patent, for his creft, a demi-moor in his proper 
colour, bound with a cord. 

Early in 1567 he failed to the relief of the French 
proteftants in Rochelle ; as this object was almoft in- 
ftantaneoufly effected, he employed the greater part of 
the fummer in preparing for his third voyage to the 
Weft Indies. 

This voyage began in florms, and terminated in war. 
He failed from Plymouth, October the 2d, 1567, and 
met at firft with fuch repulfive weather that he pur 
pofed to return ; but the tempeft abating, he profecuted 
his route to the Canaries, to Guinea, and thence, for 
the fale of his negroes, to Spanifh America. After 
flopping at Rio de la Hacha, and Carthagena, he was 
again arrefted by the elements, on the coaft of Florida, 
and compelled into St. John de Ulloa, in the bottom of 
the bay of Mexico. He entered the port on the i6th 
of September 1568, and fecuring two perfons of dif- 
tinction as hoftages, he forwarded his demands to 

The appearance of the Spanifh fleet, on the 17th, 
firft awakened the fufpicion of Hawkins ; who, however, 
agreed to admit it, provided the new viceroy of Mexico, 
who was on board, would ftipulate that the Englifli 
fhould have victuals for their money, that hoftages 
fhould be given on both fides, and that the ifland and its 
cannon fhould be entrufted to his crew while they 
remained : to thefe demands the viceroy acceded, though 



not without evident reludtance and ominous difcontent. 
Upon this fettlemcnt, however, the Spaniard was per- 
mitted to enter the port on the a6th ; mutual faluta- 
tions pafled, and the two following days were employed 
in a correct arrangement of the (hips of the two 

But the movements of the Spaniards too foon juflified 
the apprehenfions of the Englifh. On the 24th 
Hawkins difpatched a mefTenger to the viceroy, with di- 
rections to require an explanation of fomc recent mo- 
tions that were obferved on board the Spanifli fleet ; and 
as the anfwer did not fatisfy the inquiry, he fent the 
matter of the Jefus, who underitood Spaniih, to learn 
from the viceroy, whether a great number of men had 
not been concealed in a (hip moored next the Minion, 
and what purpofe was intended by their concealment. 
The Spaniard's language became at laft explicit ; he de- 
tained the matter, he caufcd the fignal trumpet to be 
founded, and an attack was immediately commenced 
againft the Englifli, in all directions. Thofe of our 
countrymen who landed, attempted to regain their fhips, 
but were all butchered, and the Minion was at once 
befet by the three hundred who had been hid in an 
adjacent veflel. The Minion and Jefus getting clear 
of the enemy, began a moft ftubborn engagement, in 
which the admiral of the Spaniards and another fhip 
were funk, and their vice-admiral burned : it was a con- 
flict truly honourable, but at the fame time really cala- 
mitous to the EngJHh ; for the Minion and the Judith 
were the only two of their (hips that efcapcd, and even 
the Judith became feparated from the Minion. 

Extremely limited in food, and almoft exhaufted of 
S water, 


water, in unknown feas, and many of her men wound- 
ed, the Minion, under the command of Hawkins, en- 
tered a creek in the bay of Mexico, on the 8th of Octo- 
ber, in order to procure refrefhment. At this place, 
one hundred of his company defired to be put afhore ; 
. on the 1 6th he weighed, and flood through the gulph 
of Florida ; he flopped in his way home, at Ponte Vedra 
and Vigo, and arrived at Mount's bay in Cornwall on 
the 25th of January 1586. " If (fays captain Hawkins) 
all the miferies and troublefome affairs of this forrowful 
voyage ihould be perfectly and thoroughly written, 
there ihould need a painful man with his pen, and as 
great a time as he that wrote the lives and deaths of the 
martyrs." In commemoration and reward of the 
adlion at R io de la Hacha, the following addition was 
made to his arms. On an efcutcheon of pretence, or, 
an efcallop between two palmer's ftaves, fable. Fortu- 
nately, the revolution of a few months brought to 
Hawkins no unimportant opportunity, of humbling the 
national fpirit of his adverfaries. 

He was riding in Cat water with a fmall fquadron of 
the Englifh fleet, when the Spanifh admiral, on his way 
to bring Anne of Auftria, the laft wife of Philip II. 
from Flanders, attempted to run between the ifland and 
the place, unmindful of the ufual compliment to the 
Englifh flag. "Perceiving this, Hawkins ordered the 
gunner of his own fhip to fire at the rigging of the 
Spanifh admiral, who neverthelefs, taking no notice 
hereof, the gunner fired now at the hull, and fhot 
through and through. The Spaniards, upon this, took 
in their flags and topfails, and ran to anchor; the Spanifh 
commander then fending an officer of diftin6Hon in a 



boat to carry at once his compliments and complaints 
to Hawkins, be, (landing upon deck, would not ad- 
mit either the officer or his mefiage; but bade him tell 
his admiral, that, having neglected the refpecl due to the 
queen of England, in her feas and port, and having fo 
large a fleet under his command, he muft not expect to 
lie there ; but, in twelve hours weigh his anchor, and 
be gone, otherwife he muft regard him as an enemy de- 
clared, as his conduct had already rendered him fufpecl:- 
ed. On receipt of this meflage the Spaniard went in 
his boat to the Jefus of Lubeck, on board of which 
Hawkins's flag was flying, and dellred an audience 5 
which was at firfl refilled, but at length granted. The 
Spaniard then expoflulated the matter, infilling that 
there was peace between the two crowns, and that he 
knew not what to make of the treatment he had re- 
ceived. Hawkins informed him that his own arrogance 
had brought it upon him, for that he could not but know 
what refpe6l was due to the queen's fhips ; alfo, that he 
had difpatched an exprefs to her majefty, with advice 
of his behaviour, and that, meantime, he would do well 
to depart. The Spaniard affected ignorance of his 
offence, but proffered fatisfadlion. To this Hawkins 
very mildly replied, that he could not be a ftranger to 
what was pracYifed by the French and Spaniards in their 
own feas and ports : and put the cafe " Sir, added Haw- 
kins, had an Englifh fleet come into any of the king, 
your mailer's ports, his majefly's fhips being there, and 
that thofe Englifh fhips fhould carry their flags in their 
tops, would you not fhoot them down, and beat the 
fhips out of your ports?" This was an irrefiflible 
appeal to the equity and common fenfe of the Spaniard ; 
S 2 he 


he confefled his error, and fubmitted to the penalty 

Hawkins was appointed to the rank of rear admiral, 
on board the Victory, in 1588, and acquitted himfelf Co 
ably in the conflict with the Spanifh armada, particjlar- 
ly in the purfuit of the enemy, as to obtain the honour 
of knighthood, accompanied with very expreffive com- 
mendations from his fovereign. In 15^0 he was fent 
with Sir Martin Frobifher to intercept the Plate fleet, 
and annoy the Spanifh coafts ; an expedition that was 
conducted entirely to the fatisfaclion of government. 

As the war continued, a more effectual attack in thofe 
parts was propofed by fir John Hawkins and fir Francis 
.Drake, to which the queengave a ready countenance : the 
plan, which was to be executed at the joint cofts of the 
commanders and her majefty, included the burning of 
NombredeDios, marching thence by land to Panama, and 
there fa/Ting the treafure which they knew mult arrive 
at that place from Peru. But this important defign proved 
completely abortive, partly through the oppofition of 
the feaibn, but more by the contentions of the pro- 
jectors ; and concluded in the lofs of the gallant Haw- 
kins, who, ilckening upon the mifcarriage of his fa- 
vourite icheme, expired of a broken heart, on the 21 ft 
of November 1595. Thus died Sir John Hawkins, 
who had commanded at fea with high reputation, 
during foi tyreight years, and had been treafurer of the 
navy for the fpace of two and twenty. 

He was a man ardently attached to the naval interelts 
of his country* who, with his brother William, pofleflfed 
at once thirty fail of good fhips, and was both the au- 
thor and promoter of many beneficial regulations in the 
7 navy. 


navy. To him and fir Francis Drake is the brave 
ieamen indebted for the inflitution of the CHEST AT 
CHATHAM ; a fcheme of the moft excellent tendency, 
in which every failor may, by a voluntary deduction 
from his gains, relieve the wants and reward the fervices 
of thofe of his comrades who are either difabled by the 
fate of war, or the adverfities of fortune. The bene- 
volence of Hawkins is indeed truly eftimable ; for he 
alfo built and liberally endowed an hofpital at the fame 

s 3 S;R 

( 26* ) 


THIS brave officer defcended from a refpeclable family 
in Oxfordshire. The Netherlands and France were the 
fcenes of his early prowefs ; fcenes in which the effects 
of an enterprifmg and daring foul had, on more than one 
occafion, drawn upon him the reprimands of queen Eli- 

In the year 1589, when the Spaniards meditated a fe- 
cond armada, fir John Norreys was entrufted with the 
joint command of an expedition intended to fruflrate their 
plans. Too prudent to engage in open warfare with 
Spain, the queen exprefled only her intention of aflifting 
don Antonio to recover his kingdom of Portugal ; and 
confidently with this idea the equipment was made 
partly at the royal charge, and partly at the expence of 
individuals. Sir Francis Drake, with whom Norreys 
was aflbciate in command, contributed largely to the 
fcheme ; the commanders and their united friends adven- 
tured 50,000 /.; her majefty furnifhed fix men of war 
and 60,000 /. ; and the reft was provided by London, 
the cinque ports, and the Dutch. 

They firft difembarked near the Groine, where hav- 
ing burnt the adjacent country, and defeated a body of 
Spaniards, they failed for Lifbon. This place had cer- 
tainly fallen into the hands of tbe Englifh, but for the 
diflenfions of the commanders, together with a peftilen- 
tiajl diforder which i nfefted the troops. On their return, 



they plundered Vigo, and took about fixty prizes, which 
however they were obliged afterwards to reftore to the 
Hanfe Towns, When it is added, that the adventurers 
would have fallen vidtims to famine had they not been 
met and relieved by the earl of Cumberland, their difap- 
pointments feem fufficiently great. Sir Francis Drake 
arrived at Plymouth on the sift of June, and fir John 
Norreys, with the reft of the fleet, on of July ; 
they had loft 6000 of their men by licknefs ; and Drake's 
moft valuable prize was dallied to pieces on the rocks of 
Cornwall, at the very moment when he was exulting 
in the profpeft of fecurity and home. 

This refult procured to the commanders a very cold 
reception at court : it had alfo the melancholy efFedl of 
fomenting the virulent altercation between themfelves. 
Sir John charged his coadjutor with breach of promife, 
in not meeting him with the fleet at Lifbon ; and Drake 
retorted theabfurdity of depending upon what could not 
be done, of exped-ting from a fleet fervices to which it 
was wholly incompetent*. If, however, the event was 
eflentially injurious to the adventurers f, the damage ii}- 

* The chief grounds of their mifcarriage were held to be thefe : They 
were but indifferently manned and victualled ; their landing at the Grains 
contnry to their inftrucYions, gave the men an opportunity of drinking 
new wines, and expofed them to great and unnecefiary lofs : then the dif- 
;igreement of the generals defeated the remaining part of the defign j 
whereas if, in purfuance of their inductions, they had failed dire&ly for 
the coaft of Portugal, and landed the forces there, it is more than probable 
they had effectually feated don Antonio on his throne. 

f The foldiers, &c. extremely difappointed and difgufted at returning 
without money, and not being nice cafuifts in their distinctions between, 
foreign and domeftic property, were with difficulty retrained from making 
themfalves amends, by plundering Bartbcloturtv fair ! STOVVE. 

S 4 


fli&ed upon the enemy was dill great enough to aug- 
ment his terrors, and to infure the fafety of Elizabeth. 

Norreys fuftained an arduous conflict in Britanny 
during the year 1594, where he defeated the Spanifh 
forces, and affifted at taking Morlaix, Quimpercorentin, 
and Brett. From this career of fuccefs, he was fuddenly 
commanded to Ireland, where the refllefs Tyrone had 
excited a new infurrecTion. His efforts to reduce the 
rebel were at firfc apparently profperous; but the deceit 
and barbarity of Tyrone triumphed over the generofity 
of Norreys. Sir John fell a vi<5lim to the craft of this 
turbulent individual : he broke his heart on finding that 
Tyrone had taken advantage of his confidence to injure 
the affairs of England. 





OF the family of this eminent navigator and feaman, 
the firft who made the circuit of the globe, and one who 
moft ably fuftained the truft of vice-admiral in 1588, 
the details are neither copious nor fatisfac~lory. Some 
who have endeavoured to explore the origin of Drake, 
believe him to have been the fon of a clergyman, in. 
circumftances by no means affluent, who inclining to 
the proteftant communion, was compelled to fcek refuge 
in Kent from the perfecution excited againft this branch 
of chriftians, in the reign of Henry VIII. by the law of 
the fix articles. Others, who have evinced no lefs 
labour and circumfpecYion in afcertaining the parentage 
pf Drake, declare him to have been the fon of a common 
failor, the elder of twelve, and born near Taviftock, in 
1545. Thefe likewife afiert his relationfhip to fir John 
Hawkins, by whom, they affirm, he was educated, and 
at the age of eighteen introduced into the navy as 
purfer of a fhip trading to Bifcay ; and that at the age 
of twenty-two he fucceeded to the command of the 
Judith, in the harbour of St. John de Ulloa, in the 
gulph of Mexico; a ftation in which he conducted him- 
felf entirely to the fatisfalion of that brave com- 
mander, fir John Hawkins. Thofe who, on the con- 


trary, contend that Drake was the offspring of an indiw 
gent clergyman, explain his introduction to fea fervice 
in a very different manner. His father retiring into 
Kent, read prayers on board the fleet, and this was pro-r 
bably the mode by which young Drake became ac- 
quainted with the feas ; for he was foon after apprenticed 
to the mafter of a coafting veffel, who entertained fo 
high an opinion of the lad, that dying unmarried, he 
bequeathed to him his {hip, and thereby laid that 
foundation upon which Drake afterwards raifed the 
fuperftrufture of fo much fame and fortune. Johnfon 
fupports the opinion that Drake was the fon of a clergy- 
man : Campbell, on the contrary, favours the fuppofi- 
tion that his father was a feaman. Both, however, 
agree that Drake was engaged in fir John Hawkins's ex- 
pedition to the Weft Indies ; and both coincide in the 
opinion, that it was on this voyage he firil entertained 
thofe extenfive defigns which aftonifhed his own age, 
and from the execution of which his name has defcended 
with fo much honour to pofterity. 

As nothing was at this time more popular than re- 
prifals on the Spaniard, Drake found no difficulty in 
collecting money enough to fit 'out two fliips, the 
Dragon and the Swan. With thefe, in the year;, 
1570-1, he made two voyages of adventure. He re- 
turned in fafety ; and acquired from both confiderable 
pecuniary advantages, as well as that experience which 
confirmed him in the purfuit of more important under- 

He next applied himfelf to the performance of a 
favourite fcheme. On the 24th of March 1572, he failed 
from Plymouth, in the. Pafcha, a fliip of feventy tons, 


and accompanied by his brother, John Drake, in the 
Swan, of twenty-five tons, with no more than twenty- 
three men and boys, proceeded to the town of Nombre 
de Dios, which at that time held the fame importance 
in the maritime concerns of Spain, as Porto Bello holds 
at this day. He arrived at Nombre de Dios July the 
28th, having been joined on the way by one captain 
Raufe, with a bark of fifty men. This place he at- 
tacked in the night, with great bravery ; but was obliged 
to retire at break of day, with little booty, and badly 
wounded. To .a Spanifli gentleman, afterwards fent 
on board to inquire " whether the captain was that 
Drake who had been before on their coafts ; and whether 
the arrows with which many of their men were wound- 
ed were not poifoned r" Drake firmly anfwered, " that 
he was the fame Drake with whofe character they 
were before acquainted ; that he was a rigid obferver of 
the laws of war, and never permitted his arrows to be 
poifoned." He added, as he difmifled the meflenger, 
with confiderable prefents, ' that though he had un- 
fortunately failed in this attempt, he would never de- 
fift from his defign till he had fhared with Spain the trea- 
fu res of America." About this time he parted with 
Raufe, who became too timorous to adventure further in 
bis fortunes, and defired to be difcharged. But Drake 
was not to be difcouraged by finifter accidents or trivial 
interruptions. Having acquired from a Symeron whom 
he took on board at Nombre de Dios, a knowledge of 
the wealthieft parts, and by ftratagem prevailed upon 
his brother to deftroy the Swan (a meafure he judged 
indifpenfable to the manning of his pinnaces, which 
were here found to be of fmgular benefit), he failed to 
6 Carthagena, 


Carthagena, where he made feveral prizes ; but was foon 
neceffitated, by the ficknefs of his crew, to return to 
Port Diego, where he had left his brother. On his ar- 
rival, he learnt that his brother was no more ; lie had 
been killed in an attempt to board a frigate full manned 
and prepared, while he was hi mfelf unarmed and almoft 
vmaffifted. This misfortune was followed by the calen- 
ture, a fever whofe ravages deftroyed, among many 
others, Jofeph, another of Drake's brothers. It was at 
this diftrefling juncture that fome Symerons, who had 
ranged the country for intelligence, brought informa- 
tion of the arrival of the Spanifh fleet at Nombre dc 
Dios; the treafures of the American mines were now to 
be tranfported overland, from Panama to Nombre de 
Dios : and now, therefore, Drake, directed by his faith- 
ful Symerons, on February 3, fet out from Port Diego, 
to intercept the riches of the new world. Difeafe had 
bereft him of twenty-eight of his men, and a detach- 
ment muft be left to guard the fhip. Eighteen of the 
Englifh, and thirty Symerons, were all that could ac- 
company him on this fervice. 

Though unimportant in number, as they were abun- 
dantly fupplied with other requifites, this little band 
had probably effected their moil fanguine expectations, 
but for the wretched imprudence of one man. When 
in view of Panama, their avant courier came running 
with the welcome intelligence that the treafurer of Lima, 
intending to return to Europe, would pafs on that 
night, with eight mules laden with gold, and one with 
jewels. Drake, therefore, ordered his men to lie down 
in the long grafs, about fifty paces from the road, half 
n one fide with himfelf, and half on the other with 



Oxenham and the captain of the Symerons ; fo placed 
that one company might feize the foremolt recoe, and 
the other the hindermoft ; for the mules, being tied to- 
gether, travel on a line, and are all guided by the firft. 
But Pike, a drunken fellow, as foon as the mule-bells 
greeted his ear, quitted his place, and, inftead of lying 
ftill while the droves from Venta de Cruz pa(Ted by, and 
awaiting the fignal for attack, prevailed upon one of 
the Symerons to creep with him to the vvayfide, that 
fo they might fignalize themfelves by feizing the firil 
mule. Thus was the ambufli difcovered, and difap- 
pointed. However, Drake proceeded to the attack of 
Venta de Cruz : he carried it, and acquired fome booty. 
Nor was his honour lefs confpicuous in the difpofal, than 
was his fortitude in fupporting thofe fatigues which ac- 
companied him in the acquifition of riches. On re- 
ceiving from Pedro, chief of the Symerons, four large 
wedges of gold, in return for a fine cutlafs with which 
he had prefented him) Drake threw the wedges into the 
common flock: " It was but juft," he faid, " that fuck 
as bore the charge of fo uncertain a voyage, on his credit, 
ihould (hare the utmoft advantages that voyage pro- 

It was on February nth, 1573, that Drake on .his 
progrefs toward Panama, arriving at the top of a very 
high hill, from a kind of tower which had been eredled 
on the hill, law the great South-fea, on which no Eng- 
lifh veflel had yet failed. At that moment, animated by 
an enthufiafm known only to genius- and magnanimity, 
he lifted up his hands towards heaven, and implored the 
bleffing of God upon the refolution, which he then 
formed, of failing in an -Englifh fhip on that fea. 

Drake embarking his men, with confiderable wealth, 



bore away for England. He was fo happy as to fail 
from Cape Florida to the ifles of Scilly in twenty-three 
days ; and to arrive at Plymouth, without any accident, 
Auguft 9, 1573- It was on a Sunday, in the afternoon, 
that Drake arrived and landed; and fo greatly did the 
tidings of this event arFe6t the good people of Plymouth, 
that they unanimoufly quitted the church, and ran in 
crowds to the key, to congratulate the return of their 
brave countrymen. 

That fuccefs which ought to have advanced his merits 
ferved for fome time to retard his career : it had raifed 
him many enemies. Too many were difappointed in 
their prognostications of the failure of his bold plans ; and 
Too many, whofe cowardice would not permit them at 
firft to league with Drake, now found themfelves com- 
pelled, by a fpecies of neceflity, to depreciate the value 
of his achievements. Thus thwarted, he was content, 
during fome time after, to ferve as a volunteer in Ire- 
land, tinder Walter, father of the unfortunate earl of 
EfTex. At length becoming known to fir Chriftopher 
Hatton, then vice-chamberlain and privy-counfellor to 
queen Elizabeth, who introduced him to her majefly, 
he was enabled to form that expedition on which he had 
inceffantly meditated. He propofed a voyage into the 
South-feas, through the Straits of Magellan ; a pro- 
ject at laft favourably received, and decidedly fecondecl 
by the court. He was conitituted, by a commiflion 
from queen Elizabeth, captain-general of a fleet confill- 
ing of five veflels. 

Thefe fhips *, as ufual in that time, partly equipped 


* The Pelican, admiral, 100 tons Drake; the Elizabeth, vice-adrai- 
val, 80 tons John Winter; the Marigold, 30 tons John Thomas; the 



by Drake, and partly by other adventurous individuals, 
he manned with 164 ftout feamen, and furniflied them 
with fuch providons and {lores as the nature of his 
voyage feemed to indicate. Naval and military itores 
were not all that fuch an enterprize required : he carried 
with him every thing neceflary to facilitate his inter- 
courfe with thofe diftant nations, and eftablifh with 
them a high character of his country. He, therefore, 
procured a complete fervice of iilver for his own table ; 
and furnifiied the cook-room with various veflels of tlvs 
fame metal. Still to add to the effect of his appearance, 
he engaged feveral muficians to accompany him : for he 
well knew the power of mufic, efpecially on the favage 
or uncivilized breaft. Prudence advifed that the obje6t 
of thefe preparations ihould be concealed, and they 
were accordingly declared to be for Alexandria. 

November 15, 1577, about three in the afternoon^ 
the fleet endeavoured to clear Plymouth ; but were 
forced, by a heavy dorm, into Falmouth, to refit. He 
put again to fea on the I3th of December following. 
His courfe was much embarrafied, though on the 2<,th 
he fell in with the coait of Barbary, and on the 2Qth 
with Cape Verd ; on the 1310 of March, 1578, 
he pafled the equinodliai line. The 5th of April he 
made the coaft of Brazil in 30 N. L, arul entered the 
river de la Plata, where he loft the company of two of 
hisfhips; but, meeting thefe again, and having taken 
out their provifions, &c. he turned them adrift. On 
May -the 2Qth he entered the port of St. Julian. Here, 

Swan, 50 tons John Chefter ; thi Cbr'^opher, 15 tons Thomas 


on July 2, 1^78, lie fanlioned the execution of Mr. 
John Doughtie, a pcrfon next in authority to himfelf ; 
who was tried for defigns againfl the conduct of the 
fleet and the life of the admiral, and fcntenced to be be- 
headed, by a jury of twelve men, after invefligaang the 
proceedings of the accufed. 

This is the only tranfa&ion of his long life, that ever 
involved the memory of Drake in any degree of oblo- 
quy or reproach ; and it is, unhappily, fo ft range! y de- 
tailed by thofe who undertook to record it, that we have 
now no clue by which to obtain any thing like pre- 
cifion or certainty on the fubjecl. The plaineft ac- 
counts which we have of Doughtie's death exhibit only a 
tiffue of inconfiftencies. Drake, for inftance, is repre- 
fented as apprized of the maiverfations of this confpira- 
tor, before he failed from England; and yet he was ad- 
mitted to Drake's confidence, during the whole of the 
voyage. Nofymptorns of the confpiracy, thus framed, are 
difcloted till the fleet arrives at a remote corner of the 
world, and then Doughtie, in one moment, accufed by 
Drake of criminal and mutinous deiigns, confelTes the 
guilt, and cheerfully fubmits to the fentence pro- 
nounced by his peers: he even prefers immediate death ; 
rejecting the alternatives of being let afliore on the 
main land, or feat to England for trial. 

But it has been Hated, that " Doughtie was lent 
abroad for no other purpofe than to meet with his end, 
and this becaufe he had charged the great earl of Leicef- 
ter with poi foiling the earl of Effex" a fa6l generally 
admitted at that era, from the circumftance of Leicef- 
.ter's marrying, in a fhort fpace, Lettice, countefs of 
Eflex, with whom it was known he had been already 



too familiar. In a poem, called Leicefter's Ghoft<> are 
the following ftanzas: 

I doubted, left that Doughtie would bewray 
My counfel, and with other party tike ; 
Wherefore, the fooner him to rid away, 

I fent him forth to fea with captain Drake, 
Who knew how to entertain him for my fake. 
Before he went, his lot by me was caft ; 
His death was plotted, and perfjrnVd in hafte,. 

He hoped well : but I did fo difpofe, 

That he, at Port St. Gillian, loft his head ; 
Having no time permitted to difclofe 

The inward griefs that in tys heart were bred, 
We need not fear the biting of the dead. 
Now let him go, tranfported to the feaj, 
And tell my fecrets to the antipodes. 

When, however, it is obferved that the earl of Effel 
Was Drake's firft patron, and highly efteemed by that 
commander ; that Doughtie embarked eagerly in the 
prefent expedition, and, a few minutes previoufly to his 
execution, embraced Drake with the moll lively cor- 
diality ; when thefe points are confidered, it becomes 
difficult to conceive, how the commander could be 
active in crufhing a man whofe only offence conftft- 
ed in his defigning to reveal the murderers of Drake's 
patron and friend ? Nor is it probable that Doughtie 
would have (hewn fo mucli readinefs to enter on a 
voyage of which he was the intended victim. He un- 
derwent the ufual examination, and feems to have been 
equitably condemned, although the criminalities of his 
conduct appear never to have been fufficiently expofed 
and detailed. 

Soon after the execution of Doughtie, Auguft 20, 
1578, Drake entered tbe Straits of Magellan. About 
T this 


this time he experienced fo violent a tempeft, that, 
when the florin abated, he found he was driven 
through or round the Straits into the latitude of 50 
degrees. Here, lying clofe under an ifland, which he 
named Eli'/,abetha, he went on fhore, and, having 
ftretched himfelf as far over a promontory as was com- 
patible with perfonal fecurity, he told his crew, when 
returned, that he had been farther fouth than any man 
living. He reached Machos, the place of rendezvous, 
in latitude 30 degrees, on November the 25th, where 
he learnt that captain Winter, having repafled the 
Straits, was returning to England. Drake, 'how- 
ever, continued his courfe by Chili and Peru; and, 
coalting North America to the height of 48 degrees, 
endeavoured to difcover a paflage back into our feas 
on that fide. Though he failed of that dcfign, he 
was by this time confiderably enriched by the capture of 
Spaniih (hips. Having, therefore, trimmed his own 
ihip, and called the country New Albion, on the 2Qth 
of September, 1579, he let fail for the Moluccas. The 
dangers to be apprehended from the attacks of the 
Spaniards, and the approach of the hurricane feafon, 
induced Drake to prefer this paffage to that by the 
Straits of Magellan. 

On the 4th of November lie gained fight of the 
Moluccas, though not without having contended with 
finny ftorms ; and was kindly received by the king of 
Ternate. Under the direction of an Indian, whom they 
met with at Philip's bay, on the 5th of December they 
came to anchor near the town of St. James of Chiuli : 
here they found abundance of ftores, bolides captur- 
ing a valuable pri/.e. 



Early in the night of the 9th of January, 1580, 
while Jailing on an unruffled and profperous fea, their 
courfe was fuddenly arrelled by one of thole dreadful 
oppofitions to which the mariner is peculiarly expofed. 
Thev were thrown upon a fhoal, and by the celerity 
of the motion fixed too faft to indulge the thought of 
becoming extricated. The pump was plied, and the 
fhip found free from new leaks : but, in attempting to 
afcertain, towards the fea, fome place where they 
might fix their boat, and from thence drag the fhip 
into deep water, it too readily appeared, that the rock 
on which they had flruck rofe perpendicularly from the 
water, and that there was neither anchorage, nor a 
bottom to be attained a boat's length from the {hip. 
This was a conjuncture wherein even the intrepidity of 
Drake felt alarmed ; and while exhorting his men to 
lighten the vefTel, by throwing part of their lading over- 
board, he alfo directed, with his accuflomed devotion, 
that the facrament (hould be adminiliered. And now, 
when hope itfelf paufed, and all human efforts were ac- 
knowledged ineffectual, the v, ind, which had hitherto 
blown flrongly againft the fide of the fliip towards the 
fea, and held it up againft the rock, flackening ; as the 
fhip lay higher with that part which relied on the rock 
than with the other (it was low water), no longer borne 
up by the wind, (he reeled at length into the deep wa- 
ter. Vain would be the attempt to defcribe feelings 
fb truly indefcribable as thofe which now lczed the 
tranfported breafts of the adventuiers. Tc f?ar had fuc- 
ceeded hope ; and to the moft difrreffing apprehenfions, 
furprife, gratitude, and joy. But as this was the, moft 
accumulated diflrefs which they had yet undergone, it 
T 2 taught 


taught them to contradt the incautious fpreading of their 
fails, and to move forward with becoming circumfpedVion ; 
for adverfity is a forcible teacher. 

Thus inftru&ed, they preferved an equable courfe, and 
anchored before Java on the nth of March 1580. By 
the king of Java, to whom Drake fent a prefent of cloth 
and filks, he was favourably received; and this friendly 
intercourfe was at length only interrupted by his leaving 
Java, on March 26, when he directed his courfe towards 
the Cape of Good Hope. He faw the Cape on the 5th 
of June ; paffed the .tropic Auguft 15 ; and arrived at 
Plymouth on the 26th of September. In a tour fo ex- 
tenfively diverfifted, it is not to be wondered at that they 
fhould err In the computation of time ; and Drake ac- 
cordingly difcovered, on his arrival in England, that they 
had 'loft a day in their account it being Sunday by their 
journals, but Monday by their regular reckoning*. 
April 4, 1581, Drake having brought his fhip up to 
Deptford, the queen went on board, and conferred on 
him the honour of knighthood, as a pledge of her entire 
approbation of his conduct f. 

Towards the end of 1585, Drake put into execution 

* In this voyage he completely furrounded the globe, which no com- 
mander in chief had ever done before. His fuccels in this enterpriz'", 
and the immenfe mafs of wealth he brought home, raifed much difcourfe 
throughout the kingdom, fome highly commending, and fome as loudly 
decrying him. The former alleged, that his exploit was not only honour- 
able to himfelf, but to his country j and the latter, that, in faft, he- 
was no better than a pirate,' 

f- She likewife gave directions for the prefervation of his fliip, that it 
might remain a monument of his own and country's glory. In procefs of 
time, the vefiel decaying, it was broken up; but a chair made of the 
plonks was prefcnted to the univerfity of Oxford, and is ftill preferved. 

6 a fcheme 


a cheme concerted with fir Philip Sidney. Though the 
queen had detached fir Philip from this adventure, Drake, 
aflifted by the captains Carlifle, Frobifher, and Knollys, 
left Plymouth for the Weft Indies, with a fleet of twenty- 
five {hips, on the I2th of September. Having touched 
at Bayonne, and plundered Vigo, they arrived before St. 
Jago on the i6th of November, and burnt a little town 
called San Domingo. From this ifland they purfued 
their voyage to the Weft Indies, defigning to attack St. 
Domingo in Hifpaniola, which they confidered as the 
richeft place in that quarter of the world. Provoked by 
the treachery of the Spaniards, they deftroyeJ part of St. 
Domingo, and then failed for Carthagena. Againft this 
place they were equally fuccefsful ; and, having taken 
St. Auguftin, they returned to Portfmouth on July 28, 

There perifhed in this voyage 760 men. The gain 
of the expedition amounted to 60,0000 /. Of this 
fum, all that devolved to the furviving crews, after thofe 
who had fitted them out were fatisfied, did not exceed 
fix pounds each man. Thus, the undertaking could 
hardly be thought profitable ; but Drake had diftreffed 
the enemy, if he had not enriched himfelf, and the re- 
i'ult was ftill honourable. 

His next enterprise may be regarded as more fortu- 
nate. In 1587, with thirty fail, he proceeded to Lifbon 
againft a numerous fleet, intended to compo r e part of the 
armada, which was aflembled at Cadiz. He entered 
this bay, and burnt upwards of ten thoufand tons of 
{hipping. But he refted not here. Proceeding to Ter- 
cera, he there awaited the arrival of acarrack, which .he 
. T 3 captured. 


captured. This {hip amply recorrpenfed his toils, and 
wore than anfwered the expectations of his employers*. 

Sir Francis now enjoyed an interval of repofe. But 
his repofe was not idlenefs: he employed- this interval in 
fupei intending a project for bringing water into the 
town of Plymouth. This idert, which originated with 
himfelf, was reaHfed by conducting into Plymouth a 
ftream which iffucd from fprings at thediftance qf twenty 
miles; but which diflance was reduced, by the mode in 
which the ftream became conducted, in a ftraight line, to 
the length of eight miles only. Whatever, therefore, 
might be the extent of Drake's riches, the hazards at 
which they were acquired, and the ufes to which they 
were applied, ought to have filcnced the clamour of his 

In 1588 fir Francis Drake received a further proof of 
his fovereign's ellimation f, in his appointment to the 
fhtion of vice-adiriiral, under the lord Howard, high- 
admiral, lie acquitted himfelf of this momentous truft 

* Important indeed were the ultimate conferences of this capture : 
' It was in confequcnce of the journals, charts, papers, taken on board 
his EAST INDIA prize, that it was judged practicable for us to enter into 
that trade." 

f The origin of the arms of fir Francis Drake furni/hes another evi- 
dence of Elizabeth's attachment to his fervices. He had a quarrel with 
his countryman, fir Bernard Drake, whofe aims Francis had afiumed ; 
which fo proyoked Bernard, who was alfo an enterprizing feaman, that he 
gave Francis a b-x on the ear. The queen took up the quarrel, and gave 
fsr Francis a new coat j which is thus blazoned : Sable, a fefs-wavy be- 
tween two pole liars argent : for his creft, a /hip en a globe under a ruff, 
held by a cable with a hand cut of the clouds j over it this mot;o, Auxilio 
Jwina-y unde;nesth, Sic far-vis magi g; and in the rigging is hung up by the 
htels a wive, gulss, which was the arms of Bernard Diake. 


in- a manner that refle&ed additional honour on his al- 
ready pre-eminent reputation. The terror of his name 
awed don Pedro de Valdez into the furrender of a galleon 
that contained 50,000 ducats; thefe were diftributed by 
the vice-admiral, with his ufual liberality, among the 
feamen and foldiers. He was alfo eminently fuccefsful 
in the purfuit of the flying enemy, whom he impreffed 
with augmented apprehenlions of the effects of his long- 
tried abilities. During 1589, he was conjoined with 
Norrey in an expedition againft the Spaniards. 

Thr years 1594 and 1595 are rendered memorable by 
that expedition to the Weft Indies which terminated with 
the deftrucTion of Nombre de Dios, and was followed by 
the death of the two commanders, fir John Hawkins 
and fir Francis Drake. Drake expired about four in the 
morning of January 9, 1596, on board his own {hip, in 
the Weft Indies, and was committed to the fea, in a 
leaden coffin, with all the magnificence that naval obfe- 
quies could beftow. 

Sir Francis Drake was in petfon rather {hort, but 
mufcular; had a broad, open cheft, and a roundhead; 
he was of a fair complexion^ his eyes large and clear, 
and of a frefh, cheerful and engaging afpe ; his hair 
was of a fine brown, his beard full and comely. 

His difpofition was rather imperious and decifive, but 
he was extremely generous and unfufpicious. Some 
degree of oftentation has been imputed to him ; but 
thofe who conlider the number and rancour of his ene- 
mies, and at the fame the value of his fervices, will not 
haftily blame him for occafionaliy afTerting thofe merits 
which his opponents were fo afiiduous to traduce, and 
claiming that reward of which the injuftice of others 
T 4 would 


would have deprived him. He poiTefled great abilities, 
and was indefatigable in improving them to the beft ad- 
vantage. To a thorough knowledge of maritime affairs, 
he joined as competent an acquaintance with aftronomy 
as he could then obtain; and he was an eloquent and 
graceful fpeaker. He, in fine, muft have been a great 
jnan, who, difadvantaged by birth, and deprefled by ene- 
mies, rofe, in fpite of fuch obftacles, into affluence and 
fame, while characterized by the moft unbending intp- 
grity, and unverfed in the flatteries of the world. 




( 281 


THIS officer {ailed for the American coaft in 1584, 
in order to the fettlement of a colony which Elizabeth 
had diftinguifhed by the appellation of Virginia. But 
diffenlion being followed by famine, foon after Green- 
ville had landed the new fettlers, and fome of them 
being carried off by death, the remainder returned to 
England in 1585, fo difpirited as not to attempt further 

In 1591 a fleet of feven (hips, in which fir Richard 
was vice-admiral, failed to the Azores, defigned to in^ 
tercept the ufual remittances of Indian gold. Here 
five of the Englifti veflels, unexpectedly affailed by a 
large Spanifh, fquadron, immediately effected their efcape, 
leaving the Revenge, commanded by captain Greenville, 
and another fhip, to conteft the day. Greenville, ani- 
mated by unjuflifiable contempt for his affailants, or by 
a heroifm devoid of prudence, refolved, fooner than 
Ihew the ftern of his fhip to a Spaniard, to engage fifty- 
three men of war, manned with ten thoufand failors, 
for fuch was the force to which he prefented the Re- 
venge. He fuftained the almofr. incredible conflict for 
fifteen hours : andnow,when he was covered with wounds; 
when his men were either nearly removed by death, 
pr incapacitated by their fufferings ; his powder almoft 

fpent ; 


fpent ; his mafts gone ; and his veiTel finking under him; 
even at this moment, he ftill fcorned to yield, and re- 
commended the furvivors to truft in God rather than 
in Spain, and blow up the (hip. But this was aw^oifi- 
tron with which the majority could not I>e brought 
to comply ; and the Revenge was furrendered, on ho- 
nourable terms, to Don Alphonfo BafTano, the Spanifh 
admiral. " A dear prize,'* obfcrves the hiftorian, " as 
the capture of her had coft the enemy two thoufand of 
their braveft Jaifors, nnd two of their ftouteft fliips funk, 
betides two difabled." 

Memorable are the laft words of the gallant Green- 
ville: ** Here (he exclaimed) die I v Richard Green- 
ville, with a joyful and quiet mind ; for that I have 
ended my life as a true foldier ought to do, fighting for 
his country, queen, religion, and honour. My foul 
willingly depart trig from this body, leaving behind the 
lading fame of having behaved as every valiant foldier 
is in his duty bound to do." Greenville was of that 
diftinguiilied number in whom the example of Drake 
had kindled up this noble and enthufiaftic attachment 
to their country. 

The Revenge, the firft English man of war the 
Spaniards had yet taken, fuak, ihortly after, with two 
h.undicd men on board. 


( 283 


SIR MARTIN FROBISHER was the fon of poor pa- 
rents, who rciided near Doncafter in Yorkshire, and 
who bred him to the fea. Of his early years, puffed 
prohahly in obfcurity and pain, we have no accounts. 
Indigence claims attention from no one ; and the indi- 
gent, who expand afterwards into affluence, are feldom 
inclined to expofe the penury from which they have 

By what means, therefore, Frobi{her contrived to 
attract the attention, or fecure the confidence of a re- 
fpeclable portion of the mercantile world, in the year 
1576, when he made his firft voyage for the difcovery 
of the north-weft paifage, we may conjecture, but we 
cannot determine. He had two barks and a pinnace 
affigned him by his employers; and with thefe, affiited 
by captain Matthew Kinderfley, he quitted Gravefend 
about the middle of June, and returned to Harwich in 
October, having juft discovered Greenland. The next 
year, in a fccond attempt this way, he further explored 
the country, but found nothing to recompenie his 
trouble; he met only with favages, cold as the re- 
gion they inhabited. 

In the courfe of thefe voyages, Frobimer, fiom the 
^Irait which ftill bears his name, brought a large quan- 
tity of black, foft ftone, full pf grains, which, pofleifing 

a yellowilh 


a yellowifh light, he fuppofed to be gold ore. On trial, 

this compofition did not, however, anfwer the ideas of its 


Frobifher was appointed to the command of the 
Triumph, in the year 1588. His exertions on this 
occafion, againft the armada, procured him the diftinc- 
tion of knighthood, an honour conferred on him by 
the lord admiral. In 1590 he commanded a fquadron 
on the coaft of Spain, and by his vigilance ft uftrated the 
failing of the Plate fleet for that year. In 1592 he 
fuperfeded fir Walter Raleigh in the command of a 
fleet which was equipped to acl: againft the Spaniard*. 
Notwithftanding the difcontents of the other officers on 
board, who, when the queen's letters of revocation arrived 
to Raleigh, refufed to ferve under Frobifher, the 
fquadron proceeded to the coaft of Spain, where, with 
only three fhips, he burnt one large galleon, and cap- 
tured another. 

Elizabeth having ftipulated certain aids to the French, 
in order to drive the Spaniards, whom fhe confidered 
her more dangerous neighbours, from Breil, fir Martin 
Frobifher was difpatched, in the autumn of 1594, to 
accomplish the object of this treaty. He landed his 
failors, and, defperately ftorming the place, it foon 
furrenderecl to the vigour of the Englifh arms. But 
it was an advantage purchafed at the expence of too 
many brave men, among whom was fir Matthew Fro- 
bifher *." He received a fliot in his fide, which, 


* Tlie flaughter of fo many excellent fubjefts and officers affefted the 
queen fo much, that on the firft a<3vices of the impetuous attack of Brett, 
ilie difpatched a mefienger to the Englifli, informing them, that " The 



through the unfkilfulnefs of his furgeon ended his 
exiftence at Plymouth, a few days fubfequent to his 

He was manly in perfon; of unblemimed character; 
and of great naval abilities and knowledge. He was 
alib a flrict difciplinarian ; and this, in an age when 
" undaunted valour, and a forward fpirit of enterprize 
diflinguifhed the foldier and the mariner, but when 
fubordination appears not to have marked his character," 
will explain that averiion with which he was certainly 
regarded by his inferiors. 

blood of men ought not to be fquandered away at all adventures : that the 
boiling heat of pufliing and forward men had need to be curbed, and not 
encouraged and edged on into danger and ruin." The commander was 
particularly reminded, that, " if he obferved thefc me>.fures, he would fave 
the credit of his conduct, and lit free at the fame time from the charge 
of cruelty : and, finally, that ilie herfclf fhould, upon better ground, com- 
mend his care and regard for her fubjefts." Unhappily, this truly excel- 
.idiite arrived too late to reftrain the impetuofity of the Englifli. 


f 286 ) 


THE family of Gilbert are of Devonfhire, and pofleis 
great claim to antiquity. Sir Humphrey Gilbert was 
the fecond fon of Otho Gilbert efq. of Greenway, by 
Catherine, daughter of fir Philip Champernon, of Mod- 
bury ; a lady who became afterwards the wife of Walter 
Raleigh, efq. of Fardel, and, by this marriage, the mo- 
ther of the great fir Walter Raleigh. As his father 
was rich, Gilbert, though a younger fon, inherited con- 
Cderable property. 

For that eminence to which he attained, Humphrey 
Gilbert ftood highly indebted to his female relatives. 
It was to his mother that he owed the advantages of ail 
education begun at Eton, and perfected at Oxford; and 
from his aunt, Mrs. Catherine Afhley, who attended 
on the perlon, and was greatly in favour with queen 
Elizabeth, he derived an early introduction at court, 
where his abilities and acquirements loon procured him 
the molt flattering eflimation. Elizabeth recommended 
him to fir Henry Sidney, as a youth of much promife, 
by whom he was incited to purfue his favourite ftudies 
ef cofmography, navigation, and the art of war, and 
who readily undertook his initiation into the practice of 
thofe important theories. Young Gilbert foon con- 
vinced his noble patrons that he was net unworthy of 
this fupport. He accompanied fir Henry Sidney into 
3 Ireland, 



Ireland, about the year 1570, ami acquitted himfelf fo 
highly to his fatisfacYion as to obtaiu from that expe- 
lieu.ccd commander the honour of knighthood. 

Sir Humphrey Gilbert was not lefs accomplished as a 
writer, than he was brave and judicious as an officer. 
In 1576 he delivered to the world that celebrated treatile 
On a north-wf/t paffage to the Indies, whofe confetju-ences 
we have already witneflbd in the fever a! voyages that 
were fpeedily made to realize the favourite fuggeftion. 
This work is characterized by Simplicity of language, 
and great methodical arrangement. His ground for 
a belief in the practicability of a north weft paffage 
thus explained : " There was (he fays) one Salvaterra, 
a gentleman ot Victoria, in Spain, that came by chance 
out of the Weft Indies into Ireland, anno 1568, who 
affirmed the north-weft paflage from us toCataia, con- 
(iantly to be believed in America navigable ; and furtlvcr 
faid, in the prefence of (ir Henry Sidney, then i-ord 
deputy of Ireland, in my heaving, that a friar of Mexico* 
called Andrew Urdancta, more than eight years before 
his then coming into Ireland, told him that he came 
from Mer del Sur into Germany through this north- 
weft paffage, and (hewed Salvatcrra (at that time being 
then with him in Mexico) a fea card made by his own 
experience and travel in that voyage, wherein was 
plainly let down and defcribed the north weft paffage, 
agreeing in all points with Ortelius's map. And fur- 
ther, this friar told the king of Portugal, as he return- 
ed by that country homeward, that there was of 
certainty luch a paflagc, north- we/I from England, and 
that he meant to publirti the fame; which done, the 
king moil -eurneCHy deft red him not in any wife to 



difclofe or make the pafTage known to any nation ; for 
that (faid the king) if England had knowledge and ex- 
perience thereof, it would greatly hinder both the king 
of Spain and me. This friar (as Salvaterra reported) 
was the greateft difcoverer by fea that hath been in our 
age. Alfo Salvaterra, being perfuaded of this paffage by 
the friar Urdaneta, and by the common opinion of the 
Spaniards inhabiting America, offered, moft willingly, to 
accompany me in this difcovery; which it is like he 
would not have done, if he had flood in doubt thereof." 
Gilbert then proceeds to reafon on the probability of fuch 
a pafTage ; and it muft be confefled, that, if his work 
contains much that is futile and exploded, it has alfo many 
valuable conjectures, and is, upon the whole, a manly 
and refpe&able performance. 

Colonization, however, no lefs than difcovery, en- 
gaged the attention of Gilbert ; and, therefore, laying 
afide for the prefent his project of the north-weft paffage, 
he procured from Elizabeth a patent, datedjimeii, 
1578, by which he was fully empowered to undertake 
the weftern difcovery of America, and to inhabit and 
pofTefs any of thofe lands as yet unoccupied by chrifUan 
potentates or their fubjedh. Full of hope, he failed for. 
Newfoundland in the fummer of 1578. He continued 
here but a fliort time, and in his way home, with ex- 
treme difficulty, cleared himfelf of feveral Spanifh vef- 
fels ; his firffc experiment by no means anfwering the 
anticipations to which it had given rife- 
Such a failure might, in this fanguine age, have ruined 
any man of lefs reputation than fir Hurnphrey Gilbert. 
But, undeprcffed himfelf, he alfo found means to re- 
animate the courage of others ; and, on the nth of June, 


1583, again fet fail for Newfoundland *. Here they 
landed on the 3d of Auguft, when the general read his 
commiffion ; and, being duly recognized by the adven- 
turers, he, on the 5th, took pofleflion of the harbour of 
St. John, in the nameof the queen of England, granting, 
as her patentee, leafes unto fuch as were willing to take 
them. One Daniel, a Saxon, an able miner, about 
this time difcovered a rich filver mine. 

Having changed his refidence to the Squirrel, becaufe, 
being light, he eiteemed her better calculated for enter- 
ing all creeks and harbours, and fent home the Swallow 
with the fick .and weary, 'he Left St. John's on the 2oth 
of Auguft. They failed profperoufly till the night of 
the 2gth, when a ftorm arofe, and the Delight, on board 
of which was captain Brown, was loft, with the excep- 
tion of twelve of her crew, who efcaped in the boat. 
The lofs of this {hip was feverely felt by Gilbert ; for 
with her he was deprived of his Saxon miner, and the 
Silver which had been dug in Newfoundland f, befides a 
number of excellent feamen. 

* His fleet, which was ready for fea by the firft of the month, confifted 
of the five following fliips : The Delight, of 120 tons, admiral, on board 
of which was fir Humphrey Gilbert, and under him captain William 
Winter; the bark Raleigh, a ftout new fhip of 200 tons, rue-admiral, 
built and manned and victualled at the expence of fir Walter (then Mr. 
Raleigh, and commanded by captain Butler} the Golden Hind, 40 tons, 
rear-admiral, captain Edward Hayes, who was her owner j the Swallow, 
40 tons, captain Maurice Brown j the Squirrel, 10 tons, captain William 
Andrews. On the I3th of June the bark Raleigh returned, the captain 
and moft of thofe on board falling fick of a contagious diftemper. 

f So highly did he exult in the difcovery of this ore, that he told fome 
of his friends, " Upon the credit of that mine, he doubted not to borraw 
10,000 /. ot the qneen for his next voyage," 

U September 


September 2d, he repaired on board the Golden Hind, 
for the purpofe of getting his foot drefled. The officers 
of the Hind endeavoured, by every effort of perfuafion, 
to prevail upon him to pafs the refidue of the voyage on 
board their fhip, alleging, that the Squirrel was very in- 
adequate to the exigency of his fituation, too weak fuc- 
cefsfully to refift the increafing violence of the feas. But 
he immediately negatived their advice, by affuring them 
that " he would never defert that bark and that crew 
with whom he had efcapcd fo many dangers;" and re- 
turned to the Squirrel. In the evening of September the 
9th, his danger was indeed but too evident ; yet, in this 
fituation, was he feen fitting in the ftern of the hark, 
with a book in his hand, and heard frequently to exclaim, 
*' Courage, my lads ! we are as near heaven at fea as at 
land!" About midnight he funk into the deep with 
the whole of his crew. 

He was an eminent naval character ; and the firft who 
introduced among his countrymen a Jegal and regular 
method of colonization. 



Tublifhd. April. J. 1800. ty Edur? Harding 9Z.Pa.ll Jfall 


HENRY PERCY, the ninth earl of Northumberland, 
was eldeft fon of that unfortunate earl of Northumber- 
land, who Was arrefted during the feign of queen Eli- 
zabeth, on fufpicion of being attached to the caiife of 
Mary of Scotland, and who, while imprifoned in the 
Tower, was found dead in his bed, {hot with three bul- 
lets near his left pap. The mother of Henry was Ca- 
therine, eldeft daughter and co-heir of John Neville, 
lord Latiaier. 

There can be no doubt but earl Percy received an 
education not unworthy of his quality, as he was after- 
wards the great patron of learned men, and the munifi- 
cent encourager of learning. His valour alfo was not 
lefs confpicuous than his literary abilities. In 1585 he 
embarked with Dudley, earl of Leicefter, for the Low 
Countries, where he difplayed true courage, and acquir- 
ed confiderable perfections as a foldier ; and he was 
among the foremoft of thofe patriotic young noblemen, 
who in 1588, hiring fhips at their own charge, joined 
the grand fleet under the high admiral Howard. In 
1593, his lordfliip was created a knight of the garter, at 

Percy, in 1601, accompanied fir Francis Vere in the 

fege of Oftend. A diiagreement unhappily arifmg 

U 2 between 


between thefe great men, in which earl Percy conceived 
himfelf aggrieved, that nobleman, on his arrival in Eng- 
land, difpatched the following challenge to Vere. 

To the valorous and ivortty Captain, Sir Francis Verc, 
Lord Governor of the Bril/, and Commander of the 
Engli/h under thcftates. 

" I tould you at Oftend that then was noe 
fytt time to expoitulate matters ; nowe I hould it proper 
to call you to an accompt for thofe wronges you have 
done mee. You love to take the ay re and to ryde 
abroade ; appointe, therefore, a place and tyme to your 
liking, that I may meete you. Bring you a friend with 
you ; I will be accompanied with another, that (hall be 
witnefle of the thinges I will laye to your charge. If 
you fatisrie mee, wee will return good friends ; yf not, 
wee ihall doe as God fball put in our mindes. I will 
efchew all bitter words, as unfit for men of our occupa- 
tion. Seeke not by frivolous (hiftes to diverte this 
courfe of fatisfadtion ; for all other meanes than this I 
have prefcribed I (hall call as an affirmation of what I 
have heard, which will caufe mee to proceed in wright- 
ing myfelfe as the wronge requires. Make no replies by 
letter, but fend mee your will by this bearer dire&lte, 
that you will or not, for from mee you (hall have no 
more. Give no caufe of noyfes in the world, to hinder 
this courfe, leaft you baffle your own reputation. 
Whatfoever I mall doe in this juft caufe of offence, 
fewer words I could not have ufed to exprefs my mind." 



This notice was tranfmitted toVere on Saturday the 24th 
of April 1602. Notwithstanding, however, Percy's inti- 
mation to " give no caufe of noyfes," it is palpable that 
either Vere or his friends informed the queen of. thefe 
proceedings, who immediately commanded Percy to 
defift. In this he did not tamely acquiefce , but defired 
thofe of his friends, who were prefent when the injunc- 
tion arrived from court, to obferve " That he referred 
himfelf to all men of judgment, that made profeffion of 
honour, and that he hoped they would not blame him, 
if that in attending to his fatisfaflion, he protefted that 
fir Francis Vere was a knave and a coward, who in 
fleering and jeering, like a common buffoon, would 
wrong men of all conditions, and had neither the ho- 
nefty nor 'the courage to fatisfy any." Vere fet forth 
a very unfatisfadlory reply to thefe charges, and here the 
affair feems to have terminated. 

The earl of Northumberland, on the death of the 
queen, applied himfelf fo fuccefsfully to the favour of 
James, that his fubfequent depreflion becomes a matter 
of furprize. He was by that prince continued in the 
council, employed in many royal commiffions, and 
affifted in the chriftening of the princefs Mary, to whom 
his countefs flood godmother ; and yet, before the end of 
1605, he was arrefted and charged with being privy to the; 
gunpowder treafon. In themonth of Auguft preced- 
ing, he had received the degree of mafter of arts in the 
univerfity of Oxford. King James was prefent at the 
ceremony ; and very "honourable record is made of Percy, 
" the moft generous count of Northumberland, a great, 
encourager of learning and learned men, especially ma- 
U 3 thematicans, 


tbematicians, who, as well as others, have in a high 
manner celebrated his worth." 

Though the earl was imprifoned in 1605, and not li- 
berated till 1620, and fentenced to a fevere fine, his 
innocence is incontvovertibly clear. . To \ife his own 
words*, " 1 thought I had chofen an honeft inftru- 
4nent, and fit, becaufe of the place he lived in, to be the 
Carrier of my letters ; but I finde to my forrow, that he 
had craft and poifon laid up in his bread againft your 
majefty, the (late, and unfairhfulnefs to me :" and by 
this inftrument, who correfponded with a treacherous 
relative, fir Thomas Percy, the earl was driven into dif- 
grace and almoft ruin. He who had been confidentially 
employed by his fovereign to execute the laws againft 
papifts, was now accufed of coalescing in the fouleft 
plots in order to advance the popedom. In vain did he 
befeech when Percy was taken, that the confpirator 
might be queftioned as to his innocence ; in vain did he 
imprecate on himfelf and his family, the dircft ven- 
geance of the Almighty, if he were not free of the 
criminalities imputed ; in vain did he fupplicate the 
throne, and his friends to intercede with the throne ; an 
enormous fine was exacted, and a painful bondage was 
fuftained. A more fevere fentence, it has been obferved, 
could hardly have been pafled, without bereaving him of 
his life and all his efbtes ; and without doubt, it much 
induced his fon Algernon to efpoufe the party which in 
the reign of Charles I. aboliflied the ancient court of 
He was at lalt indebted for his releafe to 

* SrcKs letters to the king. 



the friendlhip of lord Haye, afterwards earl of Carlifle, 
who had married the lady Lucy, earl Percy's youngelt 
daughter, a lady of incomparable beauty, and celebrated 
in the poems of the moft exquifite wits of her time. 

Percy pafied the latter days of his life in focial tran- 
quillity. In Auguft, 1620, there were with him, as 
guelts at Petworth, Buckingham the king's favourite, 
prince Charles, the earl of Suffolk, the earl of Pembroke, 
the earl of Montgomery, his own fon, lord Percy, two 
fons-in-law, the lord vifcount Lifle, vifcount Doncafter, 
fir George Goring, fir Henry Rich, and feveral other 
knights and gentlemen. He lived juft long enough to 
fee the beginning of the reign of Charles I. dying at 
Petworth on the 5th of November 1632. 

Northumberland married Dorothy, daughter of Wal- 
ter Devereux, earl of Eflex, and widow of fir Thomas 
Perrott, by whom he had four fons and three daughters. 

U 4 SIR 


THE adventures of this officer cannot fail to imprefs 
us with regret that his fuccefs was not proportioned to 
his merits; like Drake, he defjgned to pafs the ftraits of 
Magellan, and then to furround the globe; but he ex- 
perienced the fevereft difappointment. 

Sir Richard, fon of the great fir John Hawkins, was 
born at Plymouth in Devonshire. Having a flrong 
predilection for the naval fervice, he fitted out, in 1593, 
two ftiips and a pinnace, and obtained the queen's com- 
miffion, empowering him to aflail the Spaniards in 
South America. His progrefs did not, however, cor- 
refpond with his wifhes and abilities. He was at firft 
thwarted by the elements, and the whole of his fcheme 
fubjefted afterwards to ruin by the bafenefs of one 
Tharlton, whom he had taken into the employment of 
captain. Upon the lofs of his pinnace, which was 
accidentally burnt at St. Ann, Tharlton deferted, 
leaving Hawkins, who had but juft entered the river of 
Plate, to pafs the ftraits of Magellan by himfelf, with 
one fliip. It afforded but little fatisfadion to fir 
Richard for the injury which refulted from Tharlton's 
treachery, that the mifcreant became in time amenable 
to the tribunal of juftice, which did not neglect to award 
the punifhment fo fully merited. 



Thefe fatal difadvantages could not intimidate fir 
Richard Hawkins ; who at length, with equal refplu- 
tion and prudence, made the Straits of Magellan in Ja- 
nuary 1594- Having failed up to the height of 56 de- 
grees, and fpent fix weeks, fleering againft currents at 
once dangerous and uncertain, amongft the neighbour- 
ing iflands, he directed his courfe towards Peru, with, 
the reputation of being the fixth navigator who, accord- 
ing to the account of the Spaniards, had paffed the 

On the coafh of Peru he captured feveral prizes ; hut 
this profperity was fpeedily reverfed by his having the ill- 
fortune to encounter with the Spanifh admiral Don Ber- 
trand de Caftro, who commanded a fquadron of eight 
fail, on board of which were two thoufand men. Yet 
this misfortune is in a great degree attributable to the 
rafhnefs or the avarice of Hawkins. Thofe elements 
which oppofed his outfet now favoured his efcape, and 
he had happily cleared himfelf of the enemy, when, by 
his attempting to fecure frefh prizes, he gave him an 
opportunity to come up with him again. He was over- 
taken in the bay of Atacama, and, after an obftinate re- 
fiftance, obliged to furrender* to de Caftro. As long as 

* The conteft luftc.l for three days and nights fuccefiively, and then, 
moft of his men b:ing lulled, his fliip finking under him, and himfelf dan- 
geroufly wounded, he was importuned to ftrikc. The terms of his fur- 
render were potwithftanding honourable: That himfelf and all on board 
fliould have a free paflage to England as foon as pofiible. De Caftro fwore, 
by his Maker and by his knighthood, that the capitulation fliould be ob- 
ferved with fidelity } in token of which, having fcnt his glove to Hawkins, 
he took pofleffion of the /hip without difplaying the kaft infolence, or 
jsernwting the finallcft outrage. 



Hawkins remained in America with de Caftro* he was 
treated with great humanity and politenefs ; but he was 
commanded by the Spanifh court to the metropolis, and 
remained during feveral years a prifoner in Seville and 

Sir Richard Hawkins was at length releafed from im- 
prifonment and reftored to his country. The laft years 
of his life, which he pafled in honourable retirement, 
were employed in digcfting his adventures ; of thefe 
he had written an account to the era of his captivity, 
when death for ever fufpended his profecution of the in- 
terefting narrative. He was ftruck with an apoplexy 
while attending the privy-council on bufmefs, in one of 
the outer rooms, and expired. 

* After Hawkins had furrendered, the Spanilh admiral produced a letter 
from the king of Spain to the viceroy of Peru, which gave a particular ac- 
count of the voyage, the (hips, the force, and the defignation of Hawkins. 
" You may fee by this (faid De Caftro) whether the king my matter has 
not fome good friends in England !".*' No wonder (returnedHawkins) that 
your matter has fo many friends every where, fince he has fo much gold 
and filvcr : it is no uncommon thing to fee thefe make people tell tales out 
ef fchool, and out of country too." 


( 299 ) 


THE life of Cavendifh is a full verification of the re- 
mark, that necefllty is the mother of invention ; that a 
fortune diflipated by extravagance is only to be retrieved 
by enterprife. He appears to have defcended from the 
ancient family of Trimley in the county of Suffolk, and 
was the inheritor of ample property ; but his refources 
were not proof againft libertinifm early indulged, and 
expenfes often repeated. He, therefore, refolved to 
exa& from his enemies the money which he had lavifh- 
cd on his friends ; and with this view, having at his own 
cort bqilt two mips and a bark, he failed from Plymouth 
on the 2iftof July 1586. 

His defign was to enter the South feas for the exprefs 
purpofe of plundering the Spaniards. Having gained 
the coajl of Britanny he fleered for Brazil, made the 
Straits of Magellan, January the 5th, 1587, and pafling 
thefe he coafted along Chili and Peru, where he con- 
ducted himfelf with great prudence and intrepidity, and 
fecured fome valuable prizes. In the progrefs of this 
route mention is made of a harbour about 48 degrees 
fouth latitude on the coaft of America, whofe inhabi- 
tants, the favages, were extremely gigantic, one of their 
feet meafuring eighteen inches in length ; this place 
they named Port Defire. Cavendifh continued his 
courfe as high as California, where he took the St. Ann, 



an Acapulco (hip : her cargo was exceedingly rich; but, 
as his ihips could not retain it, after difburthening her 
of gold to the amount of 60,000 1. he was compelled to 
fink the reft. Steering now for the Philippine iflands, 
he reached Java Major on the firft of March 1588. 
June the firft he doubled the Cape of Good Hope, and 
returned in fafety to Plymouth on the 9th of September. 
In this voyage, which was attended but with little lofs, 
and was diftinguifhed by much bravery, wifdom, and 
perfeverance, Cavendifh had failed completely round 
the globe, and had alfo acquired what, in that age, 
might be efteemed an amazing fortune. 

On his arrival in England, Cavendifh immediately 
wrote to lord Hunfdon, one of her majefty's privy- 
council, and at that time lord chamberlain, the follow- 
ing account of his voyage. " It has pleafed the Al- 
mighty to fuffer me to circumnavigate the whole globe 
of the world: entering in at the Strait of Magellan, and 
returning by the Cape of Good Hope. In this voyage 
I have either difcovered, or brought certain intelligence, 
of all the rich places of the world that ever were known 
or diicovered by any Chriftian. I navigated along the 
coafts of Chili, Peru, and Nueva Efpanua, where I 
made great fpoils. 1 burnt and funk nineteen fail of 
ihips, fmall and great. All the villages and towns that 
ever 1 landed at 1 burnt and fpoiled, and hail I not been 
difcovered upon the coaft I had taken great quantities of 
treafure. The moft profitable prize to me was a great 
/hip of the king's which I took at California, &c. &c. 
From the cape of California, which is the uttermoft 
part of Nueva Efpanua, I navigated to the iflands of the 
Philippines, bordering upon the coafts of China; of 
6 which 


which country I have brought fuch intelligence as hath 
not yet been heard of in thefe parts." He defcribes the 
ftatelinefs and riches of China to be almofr, incredible, 
and continues" I failed along the iflands of the Mo- 
luccas, where 1 was civilly entertained by fome of the 
heathen people, and where our countrymen may trade 
as freely as the Portuguefe." From hence, he fays, he 
pafled the Cape of Good Hope, &c. home. He con- 
cludes, in a ftrain as honourable to himfelf as it muft 
have been gratifying to his fovereign, " All which. fer- 
vices, with myfelf, I humbly proftrate at her majefty's 
feet, defiring the Almighty long to continue her reign 
among us ; for at this day {he is the moft famous and 
victorious of princes." Such a harmony (fubjoins an 
old hiflorian) was there, in this golden age, between the 
fovereign and the fubject. The one offered his all, and 
the other accepted of no more than the abfolute exigen- 
cies of the ft ate required ! 

But the extravagances fo happily intermitted, return- 
ed upon him with augmented force ; and, in 1591, he 
was again driven to thofe meafures by which he had al- 
ready in a great degree repaired his fhattered fortunes. 
He failed from Plymouth on Auguft the cj6th, with 
three fhips and two barks : on the 8th of April, 1592, he 
reached the Straits of Magellan ; and one of his {hips, 
the Defire, under the command of Davis, actually 
paffed the Straits. Having remained in them, however, 
to the 151)1 of May, and finding the weather flill adverfe 
to his hopes, he returned to the coaft of Brazil, where 
he was feized by the moft inconfolable grief, and where 
difappointment foon terminated in death. 



FENTON defcended from a good family in Notting- 
hamfhire. He had a younger brother, who, like him- 
felf, difdaining inactivity, agreed to difpofe of their pa- 
trimony, which was but fmall, and adventure in fo- 
reign fpeculations. Edward fucceeded in attracting the 
patronage of two noble characters, Robert earl of Lei- 
cefler, and Ambrofe earl of Warwick. Having ferved 
fome time in Ireland under the protection of thefe 
friends, he engaged himfelf with Frobifher in the dif- 
covery of a northweft-paflage during the year 15/7. 
In 1578 he was ftill engrofled in the purfuit of this 
paflage; and fo firmly perfuaded, notwithstanding the 
experience of Frobifher, of the exiflence of fuch a 
route, as continually to importune the earl of Leicefter 
to obtain the countenance of government towards a 
voyage which he defigncd to make in profecution of 
that delufive fcheme. He at length experienced the 
gratification he had fo inceflantly implored. He left 
England in May 1582, with three (lout (hips and a 
bark ; directed by the privy-council to attempt the dif- 
covery of the northvveft-paffage, but by a new way- 
he was to' go by the Cape of Good Hope to the Eaft 
Indies, and being arrived at the Moluccas, to proceed 
from theiice to the South feas, and then to effect his re- 


turn by the yet undifcovered defidcratum, the north- 
weft pafiage ; but he was not by any means to thinly of 
pafllng the Straits of Magellan, except impelled to it by 
inevitable neceffity. It feems, however, that Fenton 
always underftood he was commiffioned to make his for- 
tune in the South feas, and that he conftantly acted upon 
this convi&ion. 

They arrived in Auguft on thecoaft of Africa, where, 
entering Sierra Leona, their necefilties compelle 1 them 
to trade with the natives for provilions. Hence he 
failed to Brazil, and intended to have proceeded di- 
rectly to the Straits of Magellan, but for the intel- 
ligence which he gained that Don Diego Florez. de 
Valdez, with a powerful fleet, was entering the Straits 
to oppofe him. He now refolveu to return ; when, 
putting into a Portuguefe fettlement to refit, he met 
with three of the Spanifh fquadron. A briik engage- 
ment enfued, of which Ward, Fenton's vice-admiral, 
has given an interefling defcription. " About four in 
the afternoon of January the 24th, 1583, we faw (fays 
Luke Ward) three fail come bearing in about the Point, 
which, as foon as they faw us, anchored on the Bar, 
and put themfelves in a readinefs, fending from one 
{hip to another with their boats, and preparing their 
ordnance to attack us. We, on our fide, were not 
idle ; but before night, getting our men and other ne- 
ceflaries from the {hore, put ourfelves in a pofture of 
defence. I went on board the admiral to know what 
he defigned to do, and he determined to fet his watch 
in a warlike manner ; and fo he did : for, after his 
trumpets and drum had founded, he (hot off a great 
piece, as they before had done. Prcfently the enemy's 



vice-admiral (hot at me; and I anfwered him. We 
then fet up our main-top and top-matt, which we had 
taken down fmce we lay here \ and before eleven at 
night we were rigged. In the mean time they let flip 
their anchors and cables, and came driving and towing 
with their boats in upon us, defigning to have boarded 
us. When they came near our admiral hailed them, 
and they not anfwering, let fly at them ; but was ? how- 
ever, glad to let an anchor flip to avoid them. Then 
they came all driving down thwart my hawfer, fo that 
I was forced to flip an anchor and cable to fhun the 
gallion. All this while the ordnance and fmall fhot 
plied hard on all fides, and I was forced to fend the 
gallion my fkiff with a hawfer to ride by ; for fhe was 
loofe, and with the flood drove up within me. The 
enemy's vice-admiral was then on my broad-fide, and 
Was pretty much fhattered : yet I did not leave galling 
him till I thought our powder fpent on him in vain, 
he being already in fuch a miferable torn condition. By 
four in the morning it rained fo hard, the moon being 
iikewife gone down, we could not fee one another." 
The day-break of the -25 th difclofed all the wretched- 
nefs of the enemy. They faw the Spanifh vice-admiral 
funk very near them, with fome of her men yet hang- 
ing about the fhrouds, moft of whom were drowned. 
The engagement was continued with the two remaining 
Spauifh ,fhips till two P. M. when the Englifh ftood 
off to fea, and the Spaniards for the river. Captain 
Fenton returned fafely into England, where arrived 
W'ard, his vice-admiral, after a tedious and hazardous 
voyage, on May the 31 ft, 1583. 

Fenton afterwards conducted himfelf with fignal re- 


putation in the /hip which he commanded againft the 
Armada. He' refided during the latter part of his life 
near Deptford, where he died in the fpring of 1603, 
and was buried in the pariih church of that place. The 
great earl of Corke, who married his niece, raifed a 
handfome monument to the memory of Fenton, in 
Deptford church, and graced it with an elegant infcrip- 


( 30* ) 



SIR ROBERT DUDLEY, a gentleman not lefs diftin- 
guifhed by his bravery than his learning, and by the ele- 
gance of his manners no lefs than die acquifitions of his 
mind, was fon to the great earl of Leicefter, by the lady 
Douglas Sheffield, daughter of William lord Howard of 
Effingham. He was born at Richmond in Surrey in 
1573, and received the rudiments of his education from 
Mr. Owen Jones, at Offington in Suffex. From hence 
he was removed to Oxford, and entered of Chrift Church 
in 1587, where he had the advantage of being fuperin- 
tended in his ftudiesby Mr. afterwards fir Thomas Chal- 
mer ; and his proficiency was fuch as early to entitle him 
to the applaufe of that learned and judicious fcholar. In 
1588, on the demife of his father, he became entitled to 
the caftle of Kenelworth* in Warwickfhire, and other 
princely eftates, to the pofTeflion of which he accordingly 
fucceeded on the death of Ambrofe, earl of Warwick, his 

Though Dudley excelled in moft of the qualifications 
which were in his age deemed necefiary to the character 
cf a gentleman, yet his peculiar attachment to the ma- 
thematics had created in him fuch a defire for navigation, 
that, when but two and twenty years of age, he made 
preparation for a voyage to the South Seas, a project 



from which he vvns with difficulty withheld even by the 
interpofition of royal authority. At length, having fitted 
out a fquadron of four fail* lie left Southampton on the 
6th of November 1594. He had hardly proceeded "to the 
coaft of Spain when he was divided from the other {hips 
with which he failed, though this could not impede him 
from purfuing his courfe to the Weft Indies. He re- 
mained a confiderahle time ak Trinidada ; and on his re- 
turn homeward, though much impaired by the voyage* 
coming up with a Spanifh (hip of 600 tons, lie engaged 
her, though he carried no more than 200 ; he did not 
take her, but left her in fo (nattered a condition that flie 
funk fhortly after. This, we are informed, was the ninth 
lliip which he had either taken, funk, or burnt, in his 
voyage. He was employed in the expedition to Cadifc 
in 1596, where he received the honour of knighthood in 
acknowledgment of the gallantry and ability which he on 
that occafion difplaycd. 

Unhappily his country was too foon deprived of a man 
Yvho had rendered her fuch meritorious afliftance, and 
whofe abilities feemed to promife fervices Mill more e.x- 
terrfive and important. In endeavouring to fubftantiate 
the legitimacy of his birth he met with fo many mortifi- 
cations and obftacles, and conceived himfelf fo deeply 
and undefervedly injured, as to quit England for ever. 
He retired to Florence, where he experienced the moft 
flattering reception from the grand duke of Xufcauy, 
and the archduchefs Magdalen of Auftria. He was not 
of a difpofition to be unaffected with thefe attentions ; 
the bread fufceptible of refentment was alfo capable of 
gratitude ; and he diredled his abilities to the devifing of 
plans for the improvement of the /hipping, the manu- 
X 2 fad u res, 


faclures, and the commerce of the natives. During his 
refidence here he formed that defign of making Leghorn 
a free port, which has been of fuch importance to the 
dukes of Tufcany. Penetrated with the higheft fenfeof 
his fervices, the grand duke afligned him a moft liberal 
penfion, and prefented him the cattle of Carbello, a very 
magnificent villa, three miles from Florence. He had 
previoufly, by letters patent from the emperor, bearing 
date March 9, 1620, been created a duke and count of 
the empiie, by the title of duke of Northumberland and 
carl of Warwick ; and, in 1630, by Urban VIII. en- 
rolled among the nobility of Rome. He fpent the laft 
years of his life in the improvement and decoration of his 
villa, which he rendered one of the rineft palaces in 
Italy; and at Carbello he died, September 1649, in the 
76th year of his age. While refident in Italy he pub- 
fcftied a very elegant mathematical and fcientihc work, 
in two volumes, which is now very fcarce. 

Sir Robert Dudley was in perfon tall, finely fhaped, 
and expreflively graceful ; his complexion was both 
agreeable and admirable ; his hair rather inclining to red. 
He was particularly expert in tilting, riding the great 
horfe, and other fafliionable exercifes ; and he was 
efteemed, altogether, one of the moft accomplished ca- 
valiers of his age. 


{ 39 ) 


INDEPENDENTLY of thofe illuftrious voyagers whom 
biography has made her care, and whofe brows {he de- 
lights to encircle with the wreath they fo nohly acquir- 
ed, there are many eminent individuals whofe exertions 
mud not be overlooked, and to whom the tribute that is 
due to meritorious exertion muft not be denied. In 
chronological arrangement OXENHAM'S expedition lias 
the firft claim to our attention ; and in boldnefs of con- 
ception, and celerity of execution, it is not inferior to 
any of thole adventures to which the wealth of Spain had 
attradled the enterprifmg Englishman. 

This officer, captain John Oxenham, having accom- 
panied Drake in feveral voyages, and remarked the de- 
fencelefs (late of the enemy's fettlements in thofe parts, 
refolved to foreftall hjs old mafter in his projected expe- 
dition to the South Seas. He faid it was better to trade 
for one's felf, than to (hare with another ; and this logic 
was ftrong enough to .prevail upon forne to join him. 
Thus fupported, he was enabled to fit out a (hip of 140 
tons, on board of which were 70 featnen. His fuccefs 
for a while even outran his expectations. He arrived in 
the South Seas early in 1575, and captured feveral prizes* 
But, too eager after booty, he loitered in thefe fcenes till 
' X 3 the 


the Spaniards, alarmed, affembled and befet him with a 
force which he was now in no condition to refijt. Many 
of his coadjutors were killed ; the reft, with himfelf, 
were made prifoners, and their whole property loft. Ox- 
enham was at laft carried to Panama, where he was quef- 
tioned by what authority lie had invaded the Spaniih 
territory ? Being unable to produce any licence or coin- 
miflion from Elizabeth, he, with all his party, were fen- 
tenced to death, as pirates. Moft of them were imme- 
cjiately executed, and Oxenham foon afterwards at Lima. 

IN 1576 Mr. ANDREW BARKER, a Briftol merchant, 
but formerly of the Canaries, fitted out two /hips, with 
which he failed to annoy the Spaniards in the Weft 
Indies. Though the refult of this voyage proved emi- 
nently unfortunate, it had more of juftice for its bafjs 
than thofe adventures which were at this time entered 
upon with fo much avidity againft Spain ; fmce its ob- 
ject was merely to retaliate upon the Spaniards an out- 
rage they had wantonly inflitSted on the relations and 
property of Barker. DifFenfions unhappily attended the 
progrefs of this little equipment. Barker was let afhore 
at the Honduras, by his mutinous officers, where he foon 
fell a vicYim to the Spaniards, who came unexpectedly 
upon him, and flew him. It is, however, confoling to 
pbferve, that the confpirators were not permitted to en- 
joy the immediate fruit of their iniquitous proceedings. 
Several died in their paflage home, in the courfe of 
which by fsr the moft valuable parts of their fpoils were 



lofl ; and fome of thofe who arrived at Plymouth were 
feized on their landing, and committed to prifon, at the 
fuit of Barker's brother, as accefiaries to the death of the 
captain. A fort of com prom He was at laft effected ; af- 
ter a ftridt examination, the ringleaders were fentenced to 
a long imprifonment, inftead of that death which was 
thought the defert of their crimes. 

THE Ruffia Company, defirous of finding a paffage 
by the north-cad beyond Weygatz, through the frozen 
ocean, to China and the Indies, in 1580 fitted out and 
commifltoned captains JACKMAN and PETT, with two 
barks, to realize their wifhes. They failed from Har- 
wich in May, and encountered many difficulties and 
much ice. Pett arrived in the Thames on Chriftmas 
day, but Jackman was loft, and the purpofe of their fail- 
ing remained uneffedled, as it was, moil probably-, im- 

IN April J5&4 the captains AMIDAS and BARLOW, 
empowered and employed by the fociety incorporated for 
that purpofe, failed for the difcovery of unknown parts 
of America. On the loth of May they paffed the Ca- 
naries, and on the icth of June fell in with the fouthern 
American iilands. The 2d of July they touched on the 
coaft of Florida, and two days afterwards they difcovered 
X 4 and 


and took pofleflion of an ifland then called Wokoken, 
but fmce Virginia. 

" The queen (fays our author) was fo well pleafed 
with the account given of this place, that, as the greateft 
mark of honour ihe could do to the difcovery, (he called 
the country by the name of Virginia ; as well becaufe it 
was nrft difcovered in her reign, as a virgin queen, as 
becaufe it did ftill feem to retain the virgin purity and 
plenty of the nrft creation, and the people their primi- 
tive innocence ; for they feemed not debauched or cor- 
rupted with thofe pomps and vanities which had deprav- 
ed and enflaved the reft of mankind ; neither were their 
hands hardened by labour, nor their minds corrupted by 
the defire of hoarding up treafure. They were without 
boundaries to their land ; without property in cattle ; 
and feemed to have efcaped, or rather not to have been 
concerned in, the firft curfe, Of getting their bread by the 
fweat of their brows, for by their pleafure alone they fup- 
plied all their neceffities ; that is, by fifhing, fowling, 
and hunting ; fkins being their only cloathing, and thefe 
laid afideby far the greater part of the year ; living without 
labour, and only gathering the fruits of the earth when 
ripe, or fit for ufe ; nor fearing prefent want, nor feli- 
citous for the future ; but daily finding fufficient afrefh 
for their fuftenance." 

EQUIPPED and fupported by feveral opulent indi- 
viduals, captain JOHN DAVIS, a veteran feanian, made 
three unfuccefsful attempts for the difclofure of the 
north-weft paflage, during the years 1585 and 1586. 



VERY different were the circumftances which charac- 
terized captain PARKER'S expedition to the Weft Indies 
in 1601. His whole force, acquired at the charge of a 
few merchants, confided of two ihips, one of 130, and 
the other of 60 tons, with about 220 men. With this 
he failed in November, and reduced St. Vincent. Steer- 
ing now for the coaft of America, he took the town of 
La Ranchicria in the ifland of Cubagua ; and then pro- 
ceeding to Porto Bello, and entering the port by moon- 
light, he attacked the place by furprize, which, in fpite 
of the gallant defence of Don Pedro Melinde?, he car- 
ried by aflault, and took Don Pedro prifoner. The 
greater part of the booty, which was confiderable, Parker 
divided amongft his men. He then liberated Melindez, 
out of refpecl to his courage ; fpared the place, becaufe it 
was well built, and the dettrucYion of it could not profit 
him ; and fet his prifoners unconditionally at large, be- 
caufe the money with which they might have been ran- 
fomed was already in the hands of his crews. He re- 
turned with real glory to Plymouth, on May the 6th, 
1602, refpedled by his enemies and admired by his 

IN 1602 captain GOSNOLD, a diflinguifhed mnriner, 
firfl afcertained the way of croffing the Atlantic to North 
America, without deviating to the Weil Indies, and paff- 
ing the dangerous gulph of Florida. 

WE are now brought to the clofe of a reign in which 
many fources of trade were either opened or eftablifhed, 


314 DISC01&RIS, &C. 

and every branch of it was uniformly and effectually en- 
couraged, wifely regulated, and powerfully protected. 
We have feen the rife of that important fociety, the 
Eaft India Company, and the beginning of that exten- 
five power which led to the colonization of North Ame- 
rica. Elizabeth, with many faults, ftiil attracts the ve- 
neration of pofierity ; for under her did the naval power 
of this country aflame its decided fupenority, and by her 
was that mighty engine fir ft wielded with reiilUefs force 
and immortal fame. 


OCCUPIED in treaty, or directed to colonization, the 
fuccefibr of Elizabeth, himfelf pacific, gave no fcope to 
the genius of war, and his reign afforded but little em- 
ployment to the experienced and enterprifing naval cha- 
racter. Sir Walter Raleigh is the only eminent feamcn 
v.'holc Cervices, though partly achieved under the govern- 
ment of Elizabeth, more naturally devolved to the reign 
of James I. 

The family of the Raleighs are traced beyond the 
conqueft ; and of this family there were three branches. 
Walter was the fecond fon of Walter Raleigh, efq. of 
the county of Devon, by Catherine, daughter of fir Phi- 
lip Champemon of Madbury, his third wife. He was 
born in 1552, at Hayes, a pleafant farm, (kuate in the 
part of Devonfhire that borders on the fea. The nrft part 
of his education he received near the place of his nati- 
vity, after which he was removed to Oxford, where he 
is difcovered to have been a ituclent of Oriel College fo 
early as the year 156^ ; but how long he remained in 
this ftation is not decider!. Equally uncertain is the ac- 
count that he became afterwards a member of the Middle 
Teniple. It is, however, afcertained that he was in 
France in 1570, and fhortly after in the Netherlands. 
Thefe were the fcenes to which the youth of family and 



fortune in this age reforted, to acquire the knowledge of 
arms and the polifh of gentlemen : and here Walte~ pafF- 
ed about five years of his time, which he fo truly improv- 
ed, that at his return he was confidered among the moft 
accomplished peiTonages of an era in which the graces 
and qualifications of gentility were by no means rare at 
an era in which a vigorous and cultivated mind, fine tafte, 
and a noble enthufiafm of foul, were indifpenfably requi- 
fite to the formation of an exalted character. It was I 578 
when Raleigh returned to England, and he immediately 
engaged himfelf with his brother-in-law, Gilbert, in an 
unfuccefsful voyage to North America. 

On the termination of the North American adven- 
ture, Raleigh was employed in. Ireland, where he per- 
formed much valuable fervice, firft under the prefident 
of Munfter during the year 1580, and afterwards under 
the iiluftrious earl of Ormond in 1581. His merits be- 
gan already to attract envy, and he was recalled. But the 
cloud was quickly diflipated ; Elizabeth afcertained his 
worth , and he fpent the greater part of 1582 at court, 
exprefsly patronized by the queen. Undifmayed by their 
recent difafter, Raleigh again coalefced with Gilbert in 
158 j, to effect a fecond expedition to America ; and 
though the fate of the prefent was ftill more unfortunate 
than that of the preceding, it did not allay his defire of 
making difcoveries in this quarter, In 1584 he fitted out 
that little fleet which, under the command of Amidas 
and Barlow, difcovered Virginia. He was, about this 
time, made knight of the fhire for Devon, and his par- 
liamentary exertions were of fuch a nature as to procure 
him the honour of knighthood from a fovereign who was 


never feen to beftow unmerited or unmeaning diftino 

From 1585 to 1588 he was employed in fitting out fe- 
veral adventures, of which four failed to Virginia, and 
another was a partnership concern with Davis's voyage 
for the difcovery of the north-weft pafiage. Two of 
thefe undertakings were productive ; while at home he 
was made fenefchal of the dutchies of Cornwall and Exe- 
ter, and lord warden of the ftannaries of Devonfhire and 
Cornwall. He had before derived from the crown fomc 
eligible grants ; and this addition of favour, though ho 
nourably acquired, and afterwards as patriotically employ- 
ed, fervcd to increafe and exafperate his advei faries. His 
advice refpedYmg the reception of the armada, the defencs 
of the country, and the (kill and valour which he evinc- 
ed in combating the enemy, impieffed the <]uecn with a 
yet deeper fenfe of his worth ; and, on the refult of that 
conflict, rtie made iome munificent additions to his re- 
venue. Nearly at the fame time fir Walter Raleigh dif- 
pofed of all his right, title, and intereft, in the colony of 
Virginia, to a number of merchants. There were two 
motives by which her feems to have been incited to this 
meafure he wifhed to realize a certain property, that 
fhould enable him to profecute further adventures ; and 
he thought that a fociety were more likely than an indi- 
vidual to yield the refources neceffary to the fupply of an 
infant fculcment. He afterwards engaged in reftoring 
Don Antonio to the crown of Portugal, and the next 
year made a voyage to Ireland. During this voyage he 
formed a project for attacking the Spaniards, and captur- 
ing the plate- fleet. 

He failed on this expedition May the 6th, 1592, but 



had hardly cleared the Englifh coafts when he was re- 
manded by the queen's letters of recall, and fir Martin 
Frobifher fucceeded him in the command of the fleet, 
\vhich, however, had the good fortune to matter the 
Madre de Dios*, at that time one of the principal (hips 
belonging to Portugal. 

Sir Walter Raleigh had now an interval of repofe 
from the toil of diftant adventures. It afforded him 
leifure for the further difplay of hir, abilities ; and his 
fpeeches at this time in parliament, of which fome re- 
rnains are yet preferved, almoft challenge the palm of ad- 
miration from his great naval and military talents. But 
neither the energy of his mind, nor his perfevering ac- 
tivity, could fecure him from the approach of paffions 
lefs elevated, but not lefs powerful. He became deeply 
enamoured of Mrs. Throckmorton, one of Elizabeth's 
ladies of honour. The character of the queen did not 
permit that indulgence to Raleigh "which (lie had denied 
to Leicefter and Efiex, and he was, for a time, obliged 
to withdraw from court. 

*-This carrack, the moft confiderable capture made by the Englifh during 
the war, was in burden no lefs than 1 6co tons, of which 900 were merchan- 
dize. She carried 32 p.eces of brafs ordnance, and about 700 paffengers ; 
was built with decks, feven ftory, one main or lope, three clofe decks, one 
forecaftle, and a fpare deck, of two floors each. She was in length from the 
beak head to the ftern 165 feet ; in breadth near 47 feet ; the length of her 
keei-leo feet; of the main mart 121 feet; its circuit, at the partners, near 
H feet; and her main-yard 106 feet. Her lading confided principally of 
fj.ues, drugs, filks, calicoes, carpets, <}uilts, cloth of the rind of treee, 
ivory, porcelain, and ebony; belides pe.rl, muik, civet, ambergris, and 
other ftores of inferior eftimation. The cargo freighted ten fliips for Lon- 
don : it was originally valued, by the captors, at above . 400,000 fterling, 
though by plunder and a reduced computation this fum became diminifhcd 
to . 150,000, at which h fold. 

3 The 


The cafual fcceflions of great men fro.m public-life, in 
whatever caufes they originate, whether voluntary or 
otherwise, have not feldom produced fomething of more 
confequence to the ftate than might have accrued from 
their ordinary labours. Thus it was hi this retirement 
that fir Walter Raleigh had leifure to indulge and digeil 
a plan for the difcovery of Guiana,, in South America. 
Here he collected all the neceflary information, while he 
employed captain Whiddon to reconnoitre that cxtcnfive 
coail ; and, having done this, .he prefented the outlines 
of his project to government, of whom he obtained thofe 
powers which were requiiite to its execution. 

On the 6th of February, 1595, Raleigh (ailed from 
Plymouth. He arrived at Trinidada on the 22d of 
March, where he with eafe mattered the city of St. jo- 
feph, and took the governor, Antonio Boreo, prifoner. 
From this Spaniard he gained fuch intelligence relative 
to Guiana as induced him to proceed immediately up the 
river Oronoque. Many of the petty princes of Guiana 
rcligned their fovereignties into the hands of Raleigh, on 
behalf of Elizabeth; and he returned home both with 
glory and riches*. 

This voyage ought to have decided fpeculation ; the 
value of Guiana remained no longer a matter of conjec- 
ture : yet, the account even of Raleigh himtelf did not 
fucceed in fatisfying the party who had inceflantly oppof- 
ed his ideas, and whole clamour had created him but too 

* Sir Walter Rak-igh has left a very pleafing and fatisfadtory account of 
this voyage, entitled, " The Difcovery of the large, rich, and beautiful Em- 
pire of Guiana, with a relation of the great and golden city Manao, called 
by the Spaniards El Dorado, and performedin the year 1595 by fir Walter 
.Raleigh." Imprinted at London by Robert Robinfon, 410. 155,6. 



many opponents. The conteft became fo earnefl, that 
Raleigh found himfelf compelled to fubftantiate his nar- 
rative by evidence. Having, to this end, fitted out two 
(hips, the Delight and the Difcovery, he fent them un- 
der the command of captain Kemeys to Guiana. Kemeys 
performed his miffion fuccefsfully ; he returned with 
fuch a defcription of Guiana, fuch a corroboration of 
Raleigh's account, as might have converted any im- 
partial perfon to the belief of Raleigh's ftatement : but 
there are men who liften to arguments only that they 
may not be convinced. 

During the greater part of 1596 he was employed in 
the expedition to Cadiz, under Howard and EfTex. 
Whatever advantages refulted from this attack fcem to 
have been peculiarly effected by the bravery and judg- 
ment of Raleigh, as all its miflakes were on the other 
hand as certainly owing to the impetuofity and inexpe- 
rience of Eifex. On his return he reverted to his fa- 
voarite fcheme, the conqueft and fettlement of Guiana. 

While, however, he perceived himfelf as yet unqua- 
lified to execute the great features of his defign, he was 
folicitous not to lofe the benefits of an uninterrupted 
communication with Guiana. Indeed, this was a line of 
condudt which he could not confidently avoid. He had 
pledged himfelf to the natives, beyond the power of re- 
traction, fpeedily to return among them, and affume, in 
the name of his fovereign, their proffered empire. This 
he could not at prefent fulfil ; and it was therefore in- 
cumbent on him, at leaft, to vifit Guiana, and revive his 
promifes. Captain Leonard Bertie was accordingly fent 
out by iir Walter, in a ftout pinnace, to Guiana, where 
he arrived in the month of March 1597. Bertie exe- 


cuted his office with much ability. Meantime, Raleigh 
was conjoined with Eflex in a new expedition to the 
Weft Indies, from which he returned with confiderable 
credit, though that favourite laboured hard to fix on Ra- 
leigh his own mifcarriages and demerits. 

In 1599 Sir Walter Raleigh was made vice-admiral 
of the fleet then equipped on the alarm of a fecond ar- 
mada. In 1600 he was fent, with lord Cobham, on an 
embafiy to the ftates general ; and, as a reward for recent 
fervices, towards the clofe of the fame year, he was made 
governor of Jerfey. 

Among the number who interefted themfelves to fup- 
prefs the infurredllon of Eflex, in the following Febru- 
ary, was fir Walter Raleigh. He took a very confpicu- 
ous part on this occafion * ; advifsd the death, and after- 

* The following letter to fir Robert Cecil, while it fupplies the reader 
,vith a fhort fpecimen of Raleigh's literary talents, will alfo beft illuftrate 
the fentiments which he entertained of Eflsx : 


I AM not wile enough to give you advice; but, if you take it for a 
good counfel to relent towards this tyrant, you will repent it when it fliall 
be too late. His malice is fixt, and will not evaporate by any of your mild 
courfes ; for he will alcribe the alteration to her majelly's pufillanimity, and 
not to your good nature, knowing that you work but upon her humour, 
and not out of any love towards him. The lefs you make of him, the lefs 
fee (hall be able to harm you and yours. And, if her majefty's favour faile 
him, he will sgaine decline to a common perfon. For after-revenges fear 
them not : for your own father, that was elteemed to be the contriver of 
Norfolk's ruin, yet his fon folioweth your father's fon, and loveth him. 
Humours of men fucceed not, but grow by occasions and accidents of time 
and power. Somerfet made no revenge on the duke of Northumberland's 
heirs. Northumberland that now is thinks not of Hatton's iffue. Kello* 
Y v.-ar 


wards attended the execution, of that rebellious earl. 
His own life had, in fa&, been endangered by the prac- 
tices of EfTex, whofe partifans, inftigated by their em- 
ployer, had too often fucceeded in inflaming the popu- 
lace again ft him. 

Sir Walter Raleigh attended the queen in her progrefs 
in 1601, during which he was felet.ed to confer with 
the Due de Biron, who arrived on an embafiy from 
France. In 1603 Elizabeth died, and in her Sir Walter 
loft his beft and fteadieft patron, his only fincere 

way lives that murdered the brother of Horfey, and Horfey let him go by 
all his life-time. I could name you a thoufand of thofe, and therefore 
after-fears are but prophecies, or rather conjectures from caufes remote. 
Look to the prefent, and you do wifely. His fon fhall be the youngeft earl 
of England but one, and (if his father be now kept down) Will Cecil fhall 
be able to keep as many men at his heels as he, and more too. He may 
alfo matche in a better houfe than his, and fo that fear is not worth the 
fearing. But, if the father continue, he will be able to break the branches, 
and pull up the tree root and all. Lofe not your advantage ; ir'you do, I note 
your deftiny. 

Let the queen hold Botbwcll while Ae hath him. He will ever be tin: 
canker of her eftate and faufty. Princes are loft by fecurity, and preferved 
by prevention. I have leen the laft of her good dayes, and all ours, after his 

Yours, &c. 
' SirW. R. to Sir R, C. 1601. 

W. R. 

There could have been nothing more expreffively devifed than this affi- 
milation of Effex with Botbweli a confpirator whofe very name could not 
fail to conjure up a thoufand phantoms of horror in the breafts of Cecil 
and the queen. He was, like Effex, a favourite ; Effex, like him, had 
turned rebel, ard there was no faying where his rebellion might end. It is 
worthy of remark, that Cecil was afteiwards one of the chief inftrument'j 
La bringing Raleigh to the fcaffbld, 



Unlefs his mifplaced confidence in Cecil might en- 
title him to hope, there was nothing to which Raleigh 
could look forward with pleafure in the profpedb of a 
new reign. He had not intrigued for the favour of 
James ; and if he had, it is highly probable that his 
quarrels with Eflex, to whom this monarch was at- 
tached, and the fecret reprefentations of Cecil, would 
have counteracted his fupplications and his talents. Not 
that Raleigh neglected every proper degree of attention 
to the prefumptive fucceflbr of Elizabeth : he was not 
fo loft in the contemplation of the defcending, as to for- 
get the rifing fun. But then his approaches were open, 
and his language was manly. He had at firft little oc- 
cafion to complain of the want of apparent good-will in 
his fovereign, but this unfatisfadlory fort of kindnefs was 
not long maintained. The king's complaifance vifibly 
decreafed, and Raleigh and Cecil* came to decided 


* Sir Robert Cecil, who had been his friend and afibciate fo long as they 
were both in danger from Eflex, forefeeing that if ever Raleigh came into 
king James's confidence, his adminiftration would not laft long, drewfuch 
a character of him to that prince as he thought moil: likely to difgufl him ; 
and dwelt particularly upon this, that Raleigh was a martial man, and 
would be continually forming projects to embarra/s him with his neigh- 
bours. Sir Walter in return for this good office did him another; for he 
drew up a memorial, wherein he mewed plainly that the affection of t'le 
Cecils for his majefty was not the effect of choice, but of force ; that, in 
reality, it was chiefly through the intrigues of one of that family his mo- 
ther loft her head, and tnat they never thought of promoting his fuccdTion 
till they faw it would take place in fpite of them. This memorial was far 
from having the effects he expected; n< r indeed would he have expected 
them, if he had known King James thoroughly. That timorous prince 
fa\v the power of Cecil at that time, and thought he had need of it, for- 
Y 2. getting 


Juft at this time, while the king's mind was full of 
fufpicion and Cecil acYtve in his ruin, Raleigh was im- 
prudent enough to enter into an intimacy with Lord 
Cobham, a nobleman greatly fufpeiled of improper at- 
tachment to the caufe of Spain, and of confequent dif- 
affecYion to the perfon and government of king James. 
Cobham appears to have been a weak man, who fuffered 
himfelf to be drawn into treafons in which he had in re- 
ality no (hare ; and in which, by mere implication, Ra- 
leigh was alfo unfortunately involved. In that hurry 
ami difquietude which always characterife the timorous 
in moments of exigency, Cobham difclofed enough to 
ruin his friend. Raleigh was arrefted ; tried November 
17, 1603, at Winchefter, and, by " the bawling and 
Billingfgate eloquence of the attorney-general Coke," 
who prevailed upon the jury to believe what the evi- 
dence did not go to eftablifh, found guilty of high- 
treafon * ! But James, who was probably afhamed of the 
farce, did not think proper to order the execution of his 

getting that it was the effect of his own favour, and fo became dependent 
upon him, as he afterwards was upon Buckingham, whom for many years 
he truftcd but did not love. This, with his averlion to all mania! enter- 
prizes, engaged him to turn a deaf ear to fir Walter's propofals, and per- 
haps to do more than this, if we are fo favourable to Cecil as to fuppofe 
that he did not afterwards perfecute Raleigh wi;hout a c.iufc, I mean 
without perfoal offence given to him. 

* The only imputation (if imputation it may be called) that ever at- 
tached to Raleigh, was a vague account of Cobham's having propofed to 
him a good Aim of money if, inftead of oppofing (as he had hitherto done), 
he would, in parliament, do his beil to forward a pca with Spain. Ra- 
leigh never hefitated to own the exiftencc of fuch a propofition ; but re- 
marked thut " it was rather hard to die for having once heard a vain n;ur- 
faj a few idle things." 



delinquent; though, as events proved, he only referved 
him to a more convenient feafon. At prefent things 
took a more agreeable turn : he was allowed, in the firft 
inftance, the fociety of his wife, who had long petition- 
ed to he permitted to foften the rigour of her hufband's 
fate ; the reftitution of his goods, &c. for the benefit of 
his family, and foon after that of his eftates followed the 
reftoration of his wife but of the eftates he was ahnoft 
as inftantly deprived, on difcovery of a flaw on the ori- 
ginal conveyance, and they were granted to Robert Carr, 
afterwards earl of Somerfet. 

In 1617, after a confinement of thirteen years, he 
was at length releafed from the tower. Though a great 
part of this period had been dedicated by him to the pro- 
fecution of his ftudies, and to the competition. 'of his 
great work, The Hi/lory of the World, and other valuable 
publications ; it may be reafonably concluded, that no 
mean portion of thofe years was occupied in the forma- 
tion of important enterprizes, and tinged with the me- 
lancholy reflection, that to him was denied the privilege 
of exerting himfelf in that fphere in which he might 
beft fubferve the interefts and advance the glory of his 

That he had been engrofied by fuch reflections was 
fufficiently evidenced by his prefent proceedings. He 
was releafed, but he did not repofe ; he did not exchange 
the folitude of a prifon for the feclufion of inactive life : 
the elafticity of his mind was undeprefled, and the con- 
cern uppermoft in his conduct was his old project for 
fettling Guiana. He obtained a commiUion from the 
crown, empowering him to difcover and take poffeflion 


of any countries in South America which were inha- 
bitecLby heathens : and happy had it been for him and 
the country could he have fupprefled the undue influ- 
ence of Spain in the Englifh councils ; an interpolation 
that obliged him to reveal the objects of his voyage, the 
nature of his force, &c, and by which the enemy were 
enabled to fruftiate the effects of his invaluable defigns. 
The commiffion is dated Auguft the 26th, in the four- - 
teenth year of the king's reign over England, and the 
fiftieth over Scotland. He obtained, however, no more 
than his commiffion from the king, for the expence 
was entirely defrayed by the joint ftock of Raleigh and 
his friends. 

This fleet muft have been collected with much cod, 
for it confided of nine good fhips ably officered and well 
manned, befides a number of gentlemen who formed a 
fpecies of volunteers. It left the Thames on the 28th 
of March 1617 ; but it was detained at Plymouth, and 
again at Cork, by unfavourable weather, fo that it did 
not reach Guiana till November. Here, however, Ra- 
leigh's illnefs, which had gained upon him during the 
latter part of the voyage, increafed to fuch a height, that 
he was obliged to delegate Captain Keymis to the dif- 
covery of the mine. Nothing but difappointment en- 
fued. Keymis was himfelf difcovered and attacked by 
the Spaniards, and in the conteft Sir Walter's fon fell. 
All this time Raleigh remained at Trinidado, nearer 
death than life, alternately torn by fear and hope. He 
was not in a condition to bear the news of a defeat : he 
told Keymis that " he had undone him, and wounded 
his credit with the king pad recovery." Nor was Key-, 
mis, more unfortunate than culpable, calculated to fuf- 



tain this reproach : he immediately retired to his cabin, 
where, finding the difcharge of his piftol not decifive of 
his end, he thruft a knife into the aperture which the 
ball had made, and thereby terminated his exiftence. 

Raleigh returned to Plymouth in July 1668, where 
he found a royal proclamation extant, dated June the 
nth, publicly difapproving his conduct, and requiring 
fuch as were acquainted with any relative particulars to 
give information thereof to the council. As Raleigh 
was proceeding towards London, intending to furrender 
himfelf, he was met by his kinfman fir Lewis Stucley, 
who had undertaken to perform the Judas of this tragedy. 
He incited Raleigh to effec"l his efcape into France, theu 
fecured him, and accufed him of that delign ; upon 
whi^h he was committed to. the Tower. 

His fate was determined : James, enraged at the 
failure of an expedition from which he had promiied 
himfelf incalculable wealth, and bent to gratify Spain, 
with whom he fought a matrtmonal alliance for his fon 
Charles, had confented to Raleigh's death : but it was 
flill more difficult than ever to effect his detraction with 
any appearance of juftice. After the ftri&cft examina- 
tion nothing worthy of legal judgment could be drawn 
from His conduct iri Guiana: it was therefore reTolvcd 
to call down that judgment upon his former fentence ! 
But here was manifeft impropriety and injuftice toge- 
ther. By that commiflion which had fuperfcded his 
fentence -lie became a pardoned man, or he was nothing. 
One claufe of the commiflion conftitutes him general 
and commander in chief of the enterprise ; another 
gives him aimoft unlimited authority, as governor, over 
the new country ; a third empowers him to excrcife 
Y 4 martial- 


martial-law as the king's lieutenant-general : could 
fuch powers be vefted in a condemned man? Sir Francis, 
afterwards the great lord, Bacon thought not. " Sir," 
faid that able lawyer to Raleigh, who confulted him 
whether it would not be advifeable to give a good round 
fum for a pardon in common form, " the knee-timber 
of your voyage is moneys fpare your purfe in this par- 
ticular; for upon my life you have a fufficient pardon 
already, the king having, under his broad feal, made 
you admiral of your fleet, and given you power of the 
martial law over your officers and foldiers." Sir Walter, 
notwithftanding, was taken out of his bed in a hot fit of 
the ague, and brought to the bar of the king's bench, 
where his commiflion was overruled, no attention paid 
to his defence of the affair of Guiana, but the king's 
warrant for execution, which had been figned and fealed 
beforehand, precipitately produced*. 


* This tranfadtion is of fuch importance as to warrant the introduction 
cf the foll&wing judicious obfervations from Campbell. '< It is a maxirn 
in our law, that the king can do no wrong : and mod certain it is, that no 
king can do legal wrong, that is to fay, can employ the law to unjuffc 
purpofes. Sir Walter Raleigh after his conviction was dead in law, and, 
therefore, if king James's commiflion had not the virtue of a pardon, 
what was it ? Did it empower a dead man to act, and not only to aft, but 
to have a power over the lives and eftates of the living ? It either conveyed 
authority, or it did not : if it did convey authority, then fir Walter was 
capable of receiving it; that is, he was no longer dead in law, or, in other 
words, he was pardoned : if it conveyed no authority, then this was an al 
of legal wrong. rl cannot help the blunder; the abfurdity is in the thing, 
and not in my expreflion. A commifiion under the privy-feal, granted by 
the king, with the advice of his council, to a dead m-.;n ; or, to put it 
otherwife, a lawful commiflion given to a man dead in law, is nonfenfe not 
to be eadured ; and, therefore, to avoid this, we muft conceive, as Bacon 
and every other lawyer did, that the commiilion included or rather conveyed 
a pardon. Indeed the fame thing may be made out in much fewer words. 



On Thurfday the agth of October, 1618, the very 
day following his condemnation, fir Walter Raleigh was 
brought out for execution on a fcaffbld which had been 
creded in Old Palace Yard. Sir Walter, though it was 
the laft morning of his life, had made a hearty breakfaft, 
and fmoked his pipe with great cheerfulnefs. Upon the 
fcaffold he converfed eafily with feveral of the attending 
nobility, clearing himfeif from all treafonable imputa- 
tions, and particularly vindicating his late expedition to 
Guiana His contempt of death was fo evident, as to 
induce Dr. Tounfon, at that time dean of Weftminfier, 
and afterwards bifhop of Salifbury, who conducted the 
devotional part of the fcene, to expoftulate with him 
upon this difpofition of mind. But fir Walter foon im- 
preffed the good dean with a very different opinion of his 
feelings. He told him that " he never feared death, 
and much lefs then, for which he bleffed God ! that as 
to the manner of it, though to others it might feem 
grievous, yet, for himfeif, he had rather die fo than in 
a burning fever." That this was the effed of chriftian 
fortitude, Dr. Tounfon became perfectly convinced ; 
" and I think (fays the do&or, in his letter to fir John 
Ifham) all the fpe&ators at his death." Baker, in his 
Chronicle, fays, " A fcafFold was erected in the Old 
Palace Yaid, upon which, after fourteen years repneve- 
rnent, fir Walter Raleigh's head w^s cut off. At which 
time fuch abundance of blood iffued from the veins as 

Grace is not fo ftrong a mark of royal favour as truft ; and, therefore, 
where the latter appears, the law ought, and in faift does, prefume ths 
former. This judgment, therefore, did not only murder fir Walter Ra- 
leigh, but, in this inftance, fubverted the conftitution } and ought to be 
looked upon, not only as an aft of the bafefl legal proftitution, but as the 
pioft flagrantviolation of juflice that ever \vas committed." 



ihewed he had a ftock of nature enough left to have con- 
tinued him many years in life (though now above three- 
fcore years old), if it had not been taken away by the 
hand of violence. He had many things to be com- 
mended in his life, but none more than his conftancy 
at his death, which he took with fo undaunted a refolu- 
tion, that one might perceive he had a certain expecta- 
tion of a better life after it*." 

Such was the end of fir Walter Raleigh, a man who 
certainly merited the belt rewards which it was in the 
power of his country to bellow. His fervices were of 
the higheft kind. He was an able foldier ; a vigilant, 
Jkilful, and intrepid failor ; and, in both capacities, an 
excellent difciplinarian. As a ftatefman he greatly ex- 
celled; for he was a found and practical philofopher, 
and a clear and impreflive orator. When foliciting his 
releafe from the tower, " To die for the king, and not 
by the king," he.faid, " is all the ambition I have in the 
world :" and fuch was the loyalty of Raleigh, that, at 
length, after obtaining his releafe, and performing his 
meritorious, though unfortunate voyage to Guiana, 
when unjuftly fubjected to all the contumely of crimi- 
nal death, he ft ill gloried in averting his attachment to 
a prince who had not fcrupled to facrifice him to his 
enemies, and the enemies of his country ! 

He was not lefs an ornament to domeftic than to pub* 
lie life. Here, the urbanity of his manners and the 

* As to the infamous fir Lewis Stucley, who had betrayed Raleigh, he 
was taken foon after in Whitehall, clipping the very gold which was the 
produce of his infamy, and tried and condemned for it ; and having 
ftripped hjmfelf to his ihirt, to raifs money to purchafe his pardon, he b i- 
nifhed himlelf to the ifland of Lundy, \vhe:e he died, both mad and a 
bfggar, in lefs than two years after fir Walter Raleigh. 

6 fuavity 


fuavity of his temper fpread around a continual charm. 
He was conftitutionally cheerful ; and, in his relaxed 
hoars, rather addicted to the ufe of tobacco *. But he 
rilled the nobler relations of home with dignity and love. 
He was an affectionate hufband, an excellent and amia- 
ble parent, a warm and fteady friend, and a beneficent 

* A f leafant anecdote Is related of Raleigh concerning his ufe of tobacco. 
He was enjoying his pipe in folitude, forgetful that he -had ordered his fer- 
vant to attend him with a goblet of ale. The faithful domeilic fuddcnly 
entering thertudy, anJ finding, as he thoughr, his mailer's brakis c;i fiio, 
and evaporating in fmoke and flame through his noftrils, did his utraoft-ta 
extinguish the conflagration, by emptying his goblet on fir Walter's head j 
xnJ, rufhing out of the room, alarmea the family svith an account of tlic 
frightful f^ene he ha-i witneflci. 


f 332 ) 


THIS able and cnterprifmg nobleman was the elder 
fon of Henry earl of Cumberland by his fecond wife, 
Anne, daughter to William lord Dacres. He was born 
about the year 1559. Under the guardianship of his 
uncle Francis, the fecond earl of Bedford, he was fent to 
the univerfity of Cambridge, where he highly diftin- 
guifhed himfelf by his progrefs in mathematical ftudies ; 
a proficiency which reflected confiderable honour on the 
abilities and afliduity of his tutor Dr. Whitgift, after- 
wards archbifhop of Canterbury. By his gaiety and 
fpeculations, he materially dilapidated the worth of his 
paternal revenues: he was fond of tilting and tourna- 
ments, and his attachment to the practice of voyaging; 
furniihed him with ample employment for the remains 
of his great family property. He is celebrated as the 
firft Englim fubjedl who built a Ihip of eight hundred 
tons burden. 

In 1586 the earl fitted out a little fleet, which fail- 
ing to the coafts of Spain, committed feveral depreda- 
tions on the enemy, againft whom he alfo acted, with 
merited fuccefs, in 1588. The queen was fo fcnfible of 
his fervices in the affair of the armada, that, towards the 
clofe of the fame year, fhe granted him a patent for the 
profecution of a voyage to the fouth. It is, however, 



to be regretted that this his fecond undertaking ended lefs 
favourably than might have been expected from the ta- 
lents of its proje&or. 

But the earl of Cumberland was intent on realizing 
views from which he could not be eafily diverted. 
During the fummer of 1589 he failed with a good 
fquadron* to the Tercera iflands; reduced Fayal, from 
whence he took forty-five pieces of cannon, and com- 
pelled Graciofa to treat. He added to thefe advantages 
the capture of a prize valued at upwards of 1 00,000 /. 
but this was unfortunately loft in Mount's Bay, on the 
Cornifh coat"t, together with captain Lifter, who pre- 
ceded the reft of the fleet, charged with the cuftody of 
their treafure. After experiencing many hardships and 
encountering many dangers, the earl arrived in England, 
in the commencement of 1590. Though deprived of 
his booty, he returned home covered with laurels ; for 
the adlion at Fayal was one of the iharpeft and beft- 
condudled engagements to be found in the naval hiftory 
of England. He employed the year 1592 in another 
expedition into thofe parts, which was attended but with 
indifferent profperity ; and in the fame way, though 
with fewer difadvantages, he pafled the whole of 1593. 
The years 1594-5-6 were fucceffively occupied by the 
earl of Cumberland in fimilar adventures, with little 
variation ot circumftances. 

It was 1598 before he entered upon the moft import- 

* He procured one of the royal fhips, the Vi&ory, to which were added, 
at his lordfhip's expencc, the Megg, captain (afterwards firW.) Monfon; 
the Margaret, captain Carelefs ; and the Caruvc), captain Pigeon : thefe 
were manned with four hundred foldiers and mariners. The carl com- 
manded the Victory, afllfted by captain Lifter. 



ant of his enterprises. Whether we confider the pro- 
pofed effect of this expedition; or the fpirit of that indi- 
vidual, who could, at his own coft, prepare a fleet of 
fuch magnitude and importance * ; the fubjecl becomes 
equally worthy our attention, and fully entitled to our 

They left Plymouth March 6, 1598, purpofmg to 
intercept the Lifbon fleet in its paffage to the Eaft In- 
dies. In this, however, they were difappointed by the 
vigilance of the Spaniards, who difcovered and evaded 
the defign. They now failed to the Canaries, and after- 
wards to America. Difeafe was at length added to dif- 
appointment, and the fleet compelled to return ; the 
great objects of its destination unaccomplished. He had, 
indeed, prevented the failing of the carracks, the return 
of the plate fleet from America, and confiderably ha- 
raiTed the Spaniards ; but his recompence was wholly 
inadequate to his toils, his booty fhort of his expences. 

He was knighted in 1592; and, in 1600, made go- 
vernor of the Eaft India company, which became that 
year incorporate, and confifted of 215 proprietors. 
... The earl of Cumberland died early in the reign of 

. * It is but mere juftke to the memory of George Clifford, earl of Cumber- 
Kind, to particularize the extent of this equipment. There were, the 
Scourge of Malice, admiral, the earl, afiifted by captain Watts } the Mer- 
chant Royal, vice-admiral, captain Flicke ; the Samfon, c.iptain Clifford ; 
theAlcedo, captain Ley ; the Confent, captain Slingfby ; the Profperou% 
captain Langton ; the Centurion, captain Palmer ; the galleon Conftance, 
captain Foljacabe ; the AffecYion, captain Fleming 5 the Guiana,- captain 
Colthurfc j the Scout, captain JolifK: ; the Anthoay, captain Catelcfs; 
the Pegafus, captain Goodwin; the Royal Defence, captain Bromley; 
thc.Margaret ajidjohn, captain Dixan j t>e Bark ley Bay, captain Cotch ' 
the old Frigat, captain Harper. l 



James, by whom he was much refpe&ed. This event 
took place at his houfe in the Savoy, on October the 
3Oth, 1 605 ; when he left iflue by his wife Margaret, 
daughter of Francis earl of Bedford, a daughter and heir 
called Anne. 


( 33* ) 


To that extenfion of commerce and navigation which 
forms the moft interefting part of the reign of James the 
Firft, a few pages of this work may be not improperly 
devoted : for, during this period, colonization was pro- 
fecuted with vigour and fuccefs, and many fources of 
trade were effectually afcertained and beneficially efta- 

As the expedition of Levifon and Monfon will be 
treated of in the life of Monfon, Captain PRING'S voy- 
age to Virginia in 1603, (landing foremeft in chrono- 
logical fucceffion, is the firft adventure for difcovery 
which occurs under the reign of James. The chief ob- 
ject of this equipment appears to have been in queft of 
faffafras, with which they were fo fortunate as to return 
well laden. But fafiafras did not wholly engrofs their 
purfuit. Among other curiofities they brought home 
one of the boats which were ufed by the wild inhabi- 
tants of Virginia. This, which was made of the bark 
of the birch-tree, was fewed together with twigs, the 
feams being covered or fecured with rofm and turpen- 
tine; and, though it was feventeen feet long, four feet 
broad, and calculated to contain nine perfons, the 
weight of the boat did not amount to quite fixty pounds. 
In the courfe of this year, 1603, Captain BENNET, at 



about 74 degrees and 30 minutes to the northward, dif- 
covered a place which he called Cherie Ifland, in honour 
of the gentleman, a Mr. Francis Cherie, at whofe ad- 
venture the voyage had been made. 

DURING the year 1604, Captain LEIGH made a re- 
folute attempt to form a fettlement on the coaft of Gui- 
ana. He obtained of the natives fome ground on the 
banks of the Guiapoee, to which he gave the name of 
Mount Howard; and but for the flux, which foorv 
after began its ravages among the Engliih, he would 
probably have effected a defign of evident utility to his 

ANOTHER voyage was undertaken to Virginia in 
1605. Captain WEYMOUTH, the officer to whom this 
bufmefs was entrufted by the earl of Southampton and 
lord Arundel, arrived firft at Long Ifland, and after- 
wards difcovered Connecticut River ; he traded with 
the favages, was particularly delighted with the place, 
and returned. 

The firft attempt towards a regular colonization of 
New England occurs in the year 1606. It will eafily be 
recollecled, that this part of the American continent was 
rirft diftinguifhed by the captains Barlow and Amidas ; 
that fir Francis Drake, when he touched here on his re- 
turn from the Weft Indies in 1586, was the tirft Eng- 
lifhman who landed in thefe parts, and to whom one of 
the Indian kings fubmitted his territory ; and that cap- 
Z tain 


tain Gofnoll, who made a little ftay in the fame place, 
gave fuch a report of New England as to attradl the at- 
tention of his adventurous countrymen, fome of whom 
immediately procured a charter * to colonize in any part 
of that country lying between 38 and 45 degrees of 
north latitude. The prefent voyage was placed under 
the conduct of CHALLONS, who proved very unfortu- 
nate. Captain POPHAM endeavoured to profecute the 
fcheme, but with no better fuccefs. 

Virginia ftill iecured the attention of the mercantile 
world, by whomf at length a fettlement was began in 
the fouthern diftridt of this ftate. The circumftances 
attending the formation of the fettlement refemble more 
the phantaftes of romance, than the regular progrefs of 
events. Under the condudl of captain SMITH, who is 
reprefented to have been as able a feaman, as the courfe 
of the narrative will prove him an intrepid leader, the 

* This charter was made to Thomas Hanham, Rawleigh Gilbert, 
William Parker, and George Popham, efqrs.j and other gentlemen of 

J- Some merchants of London, Briftol, Exeter, and Plymouth, joined 
in a petition to the Throne, fetting forth " That it was too much 
for any fingle perfon to attempt the fettling of Colonies, &.<;.: they, 
therefore, prayed his Majefty to incorporate them, enable them to raife % 
joint ftock for the purpofr, and countenance their undertaking." Accord- 
ingly by Letter 1 ; Patent, dated April loth, 1606, the petitioners were 
incorporated, in one charter, into two diftincl colonies, and to make 
two diftintr. companies, for the colonization of Virginia. This patent 
included Maryland, Virginia, and Carolina, for the London adventurers , 
and New England, New York, New Jerfey, and Penfylvania, for the 
Plymouth adventurers: but the whole was then cal'ed Virginia. The 
adventurers fpecifi',d are Sir Thomas Gates, f,r George Sommers, Mr. 
JV.chard Haikivjvt, and Edward Maria Wingfield, Efq. ; Thomas Hanham, 
Rawleigh Gilbert, William Paiker, and George Popham, efquires. 

3 little 


little fleet deftined for Virginia, after many delays and 
miftakes, arrived at the mouth of Chefapeak Bay, on the 
26th of April 1607 Landing on the fouthern cape of 
this bay, they built fort Henry ; and, foon after, on the 
northern, fort Charles: they now difcovered a river, at 
that time called Powhatan, to which they gave the name 
of James River, in honour of their fovereign. They 
then proceeded to eredl a town ; and to this they gavq 
the fame appellation as to the river. It was now that 
Smith began to feel the effe&s of that malice which, 
great ability and beneficial exertion feetn fated to ex- 
perience. His enemies, accufmg him of mutinous and 
tyrannical defigns, did not fcruple to impeach, and for a 
time imprifoned the very man to whom they were in-* 
tlebted for their fuccefs. But Wingheld, his arch-adver- 
fary, was at length detected, depofed from his authority, 
and Smith reilored to his friends. Thefe tumults onco 
calmed, all things feemed ealily progrefUve : they built, 
traded, cultivated the land, and difpatched two fhips 
homeward. A ftate of things fo propitious to the young 
colony was, however, fuddenly interrupted by a cir- 
cumftance that had nearly proved fatal to the fettlers. 
In a neck of land, at the back of James-town, there was 
found a freih flream of water, fpringing from a final! 
bank, which warned down in its courfe a yellow kind 
of duft-ifinglafs ; and this, as it lay glittering at the bot- 
tom of the water, was miftaken by our adventurers for 
gold. All bufmefs became immediately neglected, all 
defence difcontinued ; and in the height of childifh ex- 
ultation, Peru and Mexico were defpilcd, as inferior to 
this invaluable flream. Great, however, as might he 
Z z the 


the worth of this difcovery ; their town burnt by the 
Indians, while themfelves were filtering the ftream, and 
agriculture and economy discarded, foon convinced them 
of the inefficacy of their recent purfuits. They were, 
indeed, reduced to fuch diftrefs, by the enmities of the 
natives and the want of provifions, that, had not their 
two fliips returned from England with the necefiary 
fupplies, they muft have inevitably perifhed. Yet un- 
convinced of their delufion, they loaded thefe fhips with 
the yellow dirt,"and difpatched them in triumph home. 
The 'accounts returned by the ihips, in a fhort time, 
efFe&ually cooled the avarice of the adventurers, who 
now. redoubled their colonial labours, and in 1608 
gathered Indian corn of their own planting. Thus fet- 
tled into induftry and perfeverance, their numbers aug- 
mented, their profperity was confirmed, and Virginia 
gradually rofe into that importance which it afterwards 

IN 1607, Mr. HENRY HUDSON, having made the 
coaft of America, failed next to that of Greenland, 
where he difcovered the Bay which bears his name. 
Early in 1608, Hudfon fet fail in fearch of a north-eaft 
paflage to the Eaft Indies. The only remarkable cir- 
cumftance incident to this expedition was the difcovery 
of a mermaid, which is thus related. " On the I5th of 
June (fays the journal) one of our company, looking 
overboard, favv a mermaid ; and cailing up fome of 
the company to fee her, one more came up, and fhe 
was then clbfe to the (hip's fide, looking earneftly on 



the men. Soon after, a fea came and overturned her. 
From the navel upwards her back and breafts were like 
a woman's, her body as big as one of us, her fkin very 
white, and long black hair hanging down behind : in 
her going down, they faw her tail like the tail of a 
porpoife, and fpeckled like a mackarel." A third voyage 
towards Nova Zembla was attempted by Hudfon in 
1609. In 1610, Hudfon made another voyage, in fearch 
of the north-weft paffage, and in this he periflied. 

Mr. GUY, merchant, and afterwards mayor of Briftol, 
made a ftrenuous effort, in 1609, to found an Englifh 
fettlement at Conception Harbour in Newfoundland : it 
had a partial and temporary fuccefs, but his countrymen 
found it yet impracticable to eftablilh themfelves on a 
fhore that had proved fo inhofpitable to Cabot, Gilbert, 
and Bernard Drake. 

By the defire of prince Henry, fir THOMAS BUTTON 
undertook a voyage for afcertaining the north-weft paf- 
fage, in 1611. This gentleman, having pafled the 
ftrait, and left Hudfon's bay to the South, failed above 
two hundred leagues S. W. through a fea more than 
eighty fathom deep, and difcovered the continent which 
he denominated New Wales. After wintering at port 
Nelfon, in fifry-feven degrees and ten minutes north 
latitude, he likewife difcovered the great laud called 
Swan's Neft. In the courfe of this year, the Englifli 
made their firft adventure to Greenland in purfuit of the 
Z 3 whale 


whale fifhery : they killed a fmall whale, about June 
the 1 2th, which yielded twelve tons of oil, the firft they 
had obtained in thefe parts. 

THE BERMUDAS, which had been difcovered by fif 
George Somers, were fettled during the year 1612, by 
a company ereled for that purpofe, and who deputed 
one Mr. Moor their governor. Under the fuperinten- 
dance of this worthy man was begun the prefent St. 
George's Town of thofe iflands *. 

DURING the years 1614 an ^ 1615, captain Fo- 
THERBY made two voyages of difcovery to the north- 
ward. Fotherby was fitted out by the Mufcovy Com- 
pany, and gives the following account of his adventures. 

..-. " In the month of June, 1614, I went with the 

fhallop into Maudlin Sound, there to fet up the king's 
arms. I caufed a crofs to be fet up, and the king's arms 
to be nailed on it ; and under it a piece of fheet-lead, 
with the Mufcovy Company's mark, the day of the 
month, and the year. Then, cutting up a piece of 

* The following circumstances ftem to merit attention. A few rats, 
which had ifTued from on board the jfhip, multiplied to fuch a degree as to 
threaten the entire deftruilion of the firft plantations in the Bermudas. 
Having continued their devastations for the fpace of four years, they at 
length, however, fuddenly and completely difappeared, as ftrangely as thej 
hd recently increafcd. It is as Angular, that a number of ravens, who 
had hovered about the iflands during the prevalence of the rats, difap- 
p sired with tfiem, and were never feen afterwards. , 



earth, I carried it aboard, and, in the prefence of the 
men, faid to this effect: 

" I take this piece of earth as a fign of lawful poflef- 
fion of king James's new land, and of this particular 
place (which I name Trinity Harbour), taken on behalf 
of the company of merchants called 'The Merchants of 
New Trades and Difcoveries, for the ufe of our forereign 
lord James, &c. &c. ; whofe royal arms are here fet up, 
to the end that all people, who (hall here arrive, may 
take' notice of his majefty's right and title to this coun- 
try, and to every part thereof. God fave King James." 

THE year 1616 furnifhes us with a memorable en- 
gagement, which took place near the Spanifh coafrs, 
between the DOLPHIN of London and five Turkifh 
men of war, aflifted by a Sattie. The firit encounter 
lafted upwards of two hours, after which the Dolphin 
was twice aflailed by the Turks. During the whole of 
this fevcre conteft, her crew performed acts of the moil 
aftoniming valour, and the enemy at length defifted. 
*' The loffes we received in the aforefaid fights (fays the 
relater of thefe tranfadtions) were fix men and one boy, 
which were killed outright; and there were hurt eight 
men and one boy more : but the Lord knows what da- 
mage we put them to, and what number we flew in 
their fhips." " The matter of the fhip (continues 
the narrator) being at the helm, was (hot twice betwixt 
the legs ; and the furgeon, dreffing the wounds of one 
of our men, a ball of wildfire fell into his bafon, which 
Z4 he 


he fuddenly eaft into the fea, otherwife it had greatly 
endangered us. The Turks were aboard, and founded 
their trumpets; notwithftanding which, our men af- 
faulted them fo fiercely, that they forced them off, and 
the boatfwain, feeing them fly, moil undauntedly, with a 
whiftle, dared them to the fkirmifh, if fo they durft." 

Not Jefs worthy of prefervation is the fpcech with 
which Mr. Edward Nicholls, the mafter of the Dol- 
phin, exhorted his men to this noble refinance. Speak- 
ing of the enemy's approach, the author thus proceeds: 
" They feemed prepared for any defperate affault, 
whereupon we immediately made ready our ordnance 
and fmall ihot, and with no little refolution prepared 
ourfelves to withftand them. This being done, we went 
to prayers, and then to dinner, where our mafter gave 
us fuch noble encouragement that our hearts even 
thirfted to prove the fuccefs ; and, being in readinefs for 
the fight, our mafter went upon the poop, and fpake to 
us in the following manner : 

** Countrymen and fellows ! You fee into what an 
exigency it has pleafed God to fuffer us to fall. Let us 
remember that we are but men, and muft of neceffity 
die; when, where, and how, is alone in God's know- 
ledge and appointment ; but if it be his pleafure that 
this muft be the laft of our days, his will be done; and 
let us, for his glory, our foul's welfare, our country's 
honour, and the credit of ourfelves, fight it valiantly to 
the laft gafp. Let us prefer a noble death before a flaviih 
life; and if we die, let us die to gain a better life. For 
my part, I will fee, if we efcape this danger, that, if any 
be hurt and maimed in the fight, they fhall be carefully 
provided for, for their health and maintenance, as long 


as they live. Be, therefore, refolute ; (land to it ; here 
is no fhrinking, We muft be either men or flaves. Die 
with me ; or, if you will not, by God's grace I will die 
with you." 

IN this year, 1620, Mr Robinfon's friends fettled 
themfelves at New Plymouth, in NEW ENGLAND ; and 
this was the firft efhbli foment of the Englifh. in that 
exteniive colony. 

ONE Sir William Curtein having previoufly explored 
the country, the Englifh were incited to commence a 
fettlement at BARBADOES in the year 1624. I' 1 l ^ e 
fame year they alfo effected a fettlement at ST. CHRIS- 

The EAST INDIA COMPANY rofe fad into import- 
ance during the reign of James, and fitted out a number 
of voyages from their joint (lock. 

JAMES THE FIRST died in March 1625, in the 
year of his age, and twenty-fecond of his reign over 
England. The praife to which a few acls of James are 
entitled will be certainly diminifhed by a collective 
view of his proceedings. Though he iffued a fpirited 
proclamation prohibiting foreigners to fiih on the Bri- 
tifh coafts, it was never feconded by a conduct worthy 
of its language. His indifference towards the execrable 



proceedings of the Dutch at Amboyna muft for ever 
ftigmatize his character as an independent monarch. 
He was, however, not inattentive to his navy*; though 
this care for the interefts of his people was rendered 
almoft ufelefs by the fhaineful inactivity of his reign. 
That commerce increafecl, and colonifation was purfued 
with fuccefs by the Englifh, at this era, was rather 
owing to the enterprifing temper of the fubje6l, than to 
any particular virtue in the monarch. In faft, it is 
impoflible to revert contentedly to the hiftory of a 
prince who was invariably the dupe of his enemies, and 
who taught them to ridicule that country which they 
had hitherto feared. 

* Ira 1610 James built ' a moft goodly fliip for wa-, the keel 
whereof was one hundred and fourteen feet long, and the crofs beam forty- 
four feet in length ; Ihe would carry fixty-four pieces of great ordnance, and 
was of the burden of fourten hundred tons. This royal ihip was double 
built, and was moft fumptuoufly adorned, within and without, with all man- 
ner of curious carving, painting, and rich gilding ; being, in all refpecls, 
the greatett and goodlieft (hip that ever was built in England : and this 
glorious ihip the king give unto his for* Henry, prince of Wales. On the of September, the king, the queen, the prince of Wales, the duke 
of York, and the lady Elizabeth, with many great lords, went unto Wool- 
wich to fee it launched ; but, becaufe of the r.arrownefs of the dock, it 
could not then be launched } whereupon the prince came the next morn- 
ing by three o'clock, and then, at the launching thereof, the prince 
named it after his own dignity, and called it the Prince. The great w*rk- 
rnafter in building this (hip was Phineas Pet, gent, fomc time M. A, of 
Hmanuel College, Cambridge." 

James went alfo on board the great Eaft Indian of twelve hundred tons, 
which was built at Woolwich, and was the firft fliip of this magnitude 
launched in England. He called it the Trade's Increafe ; and a pinnace of 
two hundred and fifty tons, built at the fame time, he called the Peppercorn. 
Elizabeth's /hips of war, at the time of her death, contained about fixteen 
thoufand tons: thofe in the days of James amounted to twenty thoufand 


( 347 ) 


THIS officer, who is allowed, even by his enemies, 
to have been one of the ableft feamen of the times in 
which he flourished, was defcended of a very ancient 
and fplendid family in Glamorganfhire, being the third 
fon of fir Edward ManfeJ, knt. by Jane, daughter to 
Henry earl of Worcefter. He was early patronifed by 
Howard, afterwards the great earl of Nottingham, who 
advanced him in the fea-fervice, and recommended him' 
to the notice of the earl of Effex, from whom he re- 
ceived the honour of knighthood while on the Cadiz 
expedition, and by whom, during the ifland voyage, he 
was made captain of the admiral-fhip. On his return 
from this fervice, Manfel again applied himfelf to the 
favour of his old friend Nottingham, under whofe au- 
fpices he found continual opportunities of evincing his 
abilities and courage. It was on one of thefe occafions, 
in 1602, that Manfel, meeting with fix of the Spanifli 
gallies deftined for Flanders, funk three, and difperfed 
the others. 

Through the intereft of Nottingham, fir Robert had 
been raifed to the rank of vice-admiral ; a fituation that 
he was fortunate enough to retain under the govern- 
ment of James. Indeed, he was indebted to his firft 



patron for every thing ; and, it muft be recorded to his 
honour, that he was neither infenfible nor ungrateful. 
When the fortunes of Nottingham declined, Manfel 
for a long time refifted the opponents of that nobleman ; 
though, when at length he became convinced of his 
friend's incapacity, he was among the firft and moft 
earned of thofe who advifed the old admiral to decline a 
port to which he appeared no longer adequate. He was 
now as importunate with Buckingham to accept, as he 
had been with Nottingham to decline the ftation of 
high admiral*; and accordingly, when the duke rofe 
to that dignity, he made Manfel vice-admiral for life. 
Whatever were his fubfequent courfes, in the firft fteps 
of his new career Buckingham fubmitted himfelf to 
the direction of fir Robert Manfel : by his advice, he 
procured that commiflion for the management of the 
navy, without which our naval affairs muft have fallen 
into confufion and ruin. 

In 1620 Manfel was made commander of the only 
memorable expedition that occurs in the annals of 
James : it was directed againft Algiers. The fleet, 
which confifted of fix men of war, and twelve good 
merchant-fhips, came to an anchor in the road of Algiers 

* Buckingham, it feems, did not .think himfdf fo competent to the 
trulf, but objected his youth and want of experience. To this Manfel re- 
plied, that in time of peace the beft fervice that could be done was to look 
well to the conftant repair of the navy, and to rebuild occafionally fuch 
fliips as wanted it ; and that by applying himfelf afiiduoufly to the duty of 
his office, he might acquire all the reqiifite knowledge before any war 
fliould call him into action. Hence it is evident that the duke either had, 
or affected, a jufter opinion of himfelf, than that which he imbibed from 



on the ayth of November. It is not difficult to relate 
the progrefs of an armament, which juft glanced at the 
enemy and then retired. The Turks conducted them- 
felves with fo much politenefs that the Englifh could 
have no excufe for attacking them. 

But an enterprize which had excited fuch great ex- 
pectations was not to be thus tamely relinquished. In 
the fpring of 1621 another fleet was prepared, and di- 
rected to burn the ihips in the mole. This fecond ex- 
pedition anchored before Algiers on the 21 ft of May; 
and, proving ultimately of as little avail as its predeceflbr, 
through the unpropitioufnefs of the wind, returned to 
England in the month of June. Though the nation 
was much embittered at the- refult of thefe ill-judged 
enterprizes, it does not appear that any fhare of culpa- 
bility was attached by the people to fir Robert Manfel; 
who, confidering the limited nature of his commiffion, 
the inexperience of his officers, and the exifting circum- 
ftances of the cafe, did as much as it was poflible for 
him to do. 

Whether the neglecl originated in this unfortunate 
bufinefs, or in the declenfion of Buckingham's favour, 
fir Robert, though he retained his profeffional dignity, 
was never employed by Charles the Firft. He died foon 
after the commencement of the civil wars, without iffue, 
at Greenwich. 


V 35 ) 


SIR William Monfon was the fourth fon of John 
Monfon, efq. of Lincolnshire, by Mary, daughter to fir 
Robert Huffey. He was born about the year 1569. 

Though Monfon 's predilection for fea muft have been 
early difcernible, it feems that his father did not encou- 
rage his inclination, as young Monfon effected his firfl 
voyage without the confent, or even the knowledge, of 
his parents. He was therefore expofed to the hardships 
ufually experienced by thofe who have the refolution 
to venture unpatronized into public lif. His wages 
did not exceed ten fhillings a month ; and in the courfe 
of this voyage, which he made during the year 1585, 
he favv the fevereft fervice that ever befel him as a na- 
val character. In the fpace of two years he acquired, 
however, fuch a degree of reputation as to be raifed to 
the command of a (hip; and lie was afterwards fuccefs- 
fully employed throughout the long reign of Elizabeth. 
From 1589 to 1593 Monfon was repeatedly engaged in 
the expeditions of the earl of Cumberland. 

In 1596 he received the honour of knighthood from 
the earl of EfTex, whom he accompanied in the affair of 
Cadiz j and he afterwards commanded the Rainbow, 
under the fame nobleman, in his ifland-voyage. He 



aifo commanded the Defiance in the Downs, in 1599 
and in 1602, in the capacity of vice-admiral, captured 
a very valuable carrack. Towards the middle of the 
latter year, fir William Monfon held a diftinguiftied poft 
i-n the fleet that was appointed to guard the coafts in that 
critical period which comprifed the deceafe of the queen 
and the acceflion of James. 

He does not, however, appear to have derived any ex- 
traordinary benefit from the performance of this impor- 
tant truft ; if we except the command of a fmall fleet in 
the narrow feas, which he held from 1604 to 1616, 
and with which he effectually cleared both the Englifli 
and Scotch coafts from the depredations of the pirates. 
Notwithilanding the extent and the duration of his fer- 
vices, fir William Monfon had at laft the infelicity to 
incur the difpleafurc of the great and the reproaches of 
the multitude. Powerful men were irritated by the fpi- 
rit with which he purfued an inquiry into the abufes of 
the navy ; and the people were not lefs difpleafed that he 
overtook the lady Arabella, who was at this time the po- 
pular favourite, and thereby rendered her flight abortive : 
though in the firft inftance he cffentially benefited his 
country, and in the fecond had merely adled in obedi- 
ence to the commands of his prince*. To thefe caufes, 


' Of a producYion fo much redounding to the fame of fir William Mon- 
fon, and from which pofterity has derived fuch intcrefting information, the 
reader may not be difpleafed with the following analyfis, as it is drawn up 
with candour *ad difcrimination. " This work (the Naval Trails) is di- 
vided into fix books, all on different fubje&s, and yet all equally curious 
and inftrudlive. The firft book is, for the moft pirt, a collection cf every 
y.-ai'i aftions, in the war againft Spain, on our own, upon the Spanifli coaft, 



operating againft Monfon, the Dutch, incenfed at hi? 
conduct while flattened in the narrow feas, added a va- 
riety of complaints ; and, in 1616, on fome trivial pre- 

and in the Weft Indies : a brief narrative; for no more is faid, but the 
force they were undertaken with, and the fuccefs of the enterprize: jet 
the defign is to fhew the reafons, either why they mifcarricd, or why fo 
little advantage was made where they fucceeded. In fome he is more par- 
ticular than in others ; and, what perhaps may be (Till of ufe, he at laft fets 
down the abufes in the fleet, and the methods for redrafting them. His 
fecond book continues fomewhal of the method of the firft, beginning with 
fatherly inftrucYions to his fon ; whence he proceeds to the peace with 
Spain, which puts an end to the warlike naval actions, yet not to his com- 
mand, being afterwards employed againft pirates. He inveighs againft the 
Dutch, fliews the ill-management of a defign againft Algiers, and makes 
very curious remarks on the attempt upon Cadiz by king Charles I. Dif- 
clofirg methods how Spain might have been much more endangered j 
with other particulars about the Ihipping of England, and fovereignty of 
the feas. The third bo<k only treats of the admiralty, that is, of all things 
relating to the royal mvy, from the lord high-admiral t9 the meaneft per- 
fon employed afliore, and to the cabbin boys at lea ; and from a complete 
fleet to the fmallerl veflel, and the part of it; with inftrucYions for all of- 
ficers, the fi/e of all forts of guns, all kinds of allowances on board the 
king's Ihips, and excellent directions for fighting at fea ; an account of all 
the harbours in thefe three kingdoms, with many others, and thofe impor- 
tant matters, for thofe times, accurately handled. The fourth book is of 
a very different nature from any of the reft ; being a brief collection of 
Spani/h and Portuguefe difcoveries and conquefts in Africa, Afia and 
America, with fome voyages round the world, and fomewhat of the firft 
fettling both of Englifh and French plantations. The fifth book is full of 
projeds and fchemes for managing affairs at fea to the beft advantage for 
the nation. The fixth treats of fiihing, and is intended to fhew the in- 
finite addition of wealth and ftrength it would bring to England ; with 
fuch inftrudlions as are neceflary for putting fuch a defign in execution." 
Thefe Traits are printed in the third volume of Churchill's Collection 
of Voyages. It is evident, from the prefaces and dedications, that the 
author defigned them for the prefs : but he did not live to publilh them. 

6 texts, 


texts, he was committed to the Tower. He was, how- 
ever, almoft immediately releafed ; for nothing worthy 
of imprifomnent could be found againft him. 

Sir William Monfon remained for fome time unem- 
ployed by Charles the Firft ; but he was at length en- 
trufted, as vice admiral, in 1635, with the command 
of the James. The fleet in which Monfon was thus ap - 
pointed effectually vindicated the honour of the nation ; 
it eftablifhed, once more, the fuperiority of the Eng- 
Hfh flag. 

The Jaft years of Sir William Monfon were occupied 
in the compofition of his great work, called Naval Trades. 
He died in February 1642, at Kynnerfley in Surrey, in 
his 73d year. He left a numerous offspring. 

A a SIR 

354 ) 


WHEN we recollect how few were the naval opera- 
tions that diftinguiiTied the diftraed reign of Charles 
the Firft, fir John Pennington will be found to have 
enjoyed a multiplicity of employments. Like moft of 
thofe characters who have made any confiderable figure 
in the maritime hiftory of their country, he early ad- 
dicted himfelf to the ftudy of navigation, and fought 
every occafion in which to ftrengthen and improve his 

Juft before his deceafe, James had engaged to fupply 
the French king with a certain number of fhips, to be 
employed either againft Spain or Italy, with which, 
countries the Gallic monarch was then in a flate of hof- 
tility. As Charles, when he afcended the throne, 
thought proper to fulfil the engagement entered into by 
his father, captain Pennington was fent, with the Van- 
guard and fix merchant fhips, to the coaft of France, and 
directed to employ his force in the fervice of that coun- 
try. Pennington, on his arrival among the French, was 
therefore exceedingly alarmed when he perceived that 
the fleet which had been folicited by the French king to 
at againft his foreign adverfaries, was in reality meant 
for the deftruclion of his proteftant fubje&s of Rochelle. 
3 It 



-It is clear that the captain had been himfelf blinded as to 
the final delignation of his little fquadron ; fince, on re- 
monftrating with the duke of Buckingham againft the 
purpofes of our Gallic ally, he received pofitive orders 
from that minifter to fubmit the whole of the fleet to 
the entire direction of the king of France. Pennington 
was fo (hocked at this duplicity, that he refufcd obedience 
to the orderj and returned to the Downs. Had he in- 
deed wifhed to comply with the mandate, fuch compli- 
ance would, notwithfbnding, have been impracticable; 
for his crews no fooner learnt the purpofes for which 
they had unconfcioufly failed, than they inflantly weighed 
anchor and fet fail, exclaiming " they would rather be 
hanged at home, than be flaves to the French and fight 
againft their own religion." Yet Pennington no fooner 
reached the Downs, but he received a pofitive order, 
under the king's fign manual, to return and deliver 
himfelf up to the French. He repaired accordingly to 
Dieppe, where he refigned the merchant-vefiels into the 
hands of a French officer ; but returned, with his crews, 
in the admiral-fhip to England. This conduct does not 
appear to have injured Pennington in the eftimation of 
his fovereign, fince we find him, in 1635, with the rank 
of rear-admiral, on board the fleet then cruizing in the 
narrow feas. About this time he was raifed to the ho- 
nour of knighthood. 

In 1636 fir John Pennington was made vice-admiral 
of the fleet commiflioned to reflrict the Dutch from fifh- 
ing on the Britifl) coafb. This fleet had all the fuccefs 
it fo juftly merited ; the Dutch were compelled U take 
out licences for the fithery, and in every refpect to ac- 
A a % knowledge 


knowledge the fuperiority of the Englifti navy. Shortly 
after, in 1639, he was conftituted admiral of the channel 
fleet, where he condu&ed himfelf with credit to his own 
fame, and advantageoufly as it refpe&ed the country ; 
for he chanced on a very critical fituation, in which he 
was obliged to witnefs and permit an engagement be- 
tween the Spaniards and the Dutch. 

On the breaking out of the civil wars Pennington re- 
mained a faithful fubjedt and fmcere friend to his unfor- 
tunate monarch. Among his counfels to Charles he 
earneftly advifed, that fir Robert Manfel might be em- 
powered to wrell the Englifh fleet from the hands of 
Warwick, the rebel- admiral : but the prince was appre- 
henfive that the infirmities of Manfel had rendered him 
incapable of fuch a fervice. 


JDI7KK of 

( 357 ) 


GEORGE VILLIERS, afterwards duke of Buckingham, 
was the fecond fon of fir George Villiers of Brokefby, 
by Mary, daughter to Anthony Beaumont, efq. He 
was born at Brokefoy, Auguft 22d, 1592, and acquired 
the rudiments of his education in the neighbourhood of 
his native place. At the age of eighteen, he went for 
improvement into France, where he remained the three 
following years. Villiers was about twenty-three years 
old, when James, in his progrefs, happened to fee him at 
Althorpe, in Northamptonshire ; and from this time his 
rife into fortune became rapid and decifive. The fa- 
vourite is defcribed to have been " of (lature tall and 
comely, his comportment graceful, and of a mofi fweet 
difpofition." His predeceflbr in royal favour was fo 
much in the wane, that the court nobles thought this a 
favourable opportunity (in the homely metaphor of 
Dugdale) " to drive out one nail with another." 

Introduced to the particular notice of the monarch at 

fo favourable a conjuncture, he was almoft immediately 

elevated to the pinnacle of honour and emolument. On 

the 23d of April, 1615, he wa$ knighted, and had an 

A a 3 annual 


annual penfion of one thoufand pounds, granted to hint 
from the Court of Wards : in 1616 he was made 
mafter of the horfe, knight of the garter, chief juftice 
of the forefts North of Trent, lord whaddon, firft 
vifcount Villiers, and afterwards earl of Buckingham : 
he was alfo advanced, in January, 1617, to be marquis 
of Buckingham; and, on the 3Oth of January that year, 
he was appointed to the truft of lord high-admiral, fwora 
of the privy council, and fhortly after made chief juftice 
of all the parks and forefts South of Trent, mafter of the 
king's bench office, high fteward of Weftminfter, and 
conftable of Windfor Caftle. In 1623, he was fent on 
an embafiy to Spain, in the execution of which he 
quarrelled with the Spanifh minifter, and thereby laid 
the foundation of the war that afterwards broke out 
between the two nations. While in Spain, he, how- 
ever, received the patent by which he was created duke 
of Buckingham ; and, on his return, he was likewife 
made warden of the Cinque Ports, and fteward of 
Hampton Court. Whether his failure in the defjgn of 
his million, which was the marriage of the prince, who had 
accompanied him, with the Infanta ; or the afperfions 
with which the Spanilh minifter endeavoured to ftain 
his fidelity, would have fucceeded in diminishing the 
partiality of James for Buckingham, was never decided, 
as the king died foon after Buckingham's return to 

The acceflion of Charles to the throne augmented 
Buckingham's fplendour, and a circumftance that feemcd 
to enfure the (lability of his fuccefs. He who was che- 
riftied by the father may be faid to have been loved by 



rhe fon : Buckingham was appointed lord high fteward, 
for the coronation of the young king; and, in 1625, he 
was commiffioned to convey Henrietta of France, to 
whom Charles was jurt united by proxy, into England. 
He was now employed in embaffies to the States 
General, and ftill retained the entire countenance of 
his fovereign, although the parliament repeatedly ex- 
erted themfelves to impeach and criminate his ad- 

The life of Buckingham is not only important to the 
civil department of hiflory, he is particularly a fubjecl: 
of moment in this place, if his extenfive influence over 
the naval affairs of England be attentively confidered. 
He planned, and in a high degree directed the principal 
movements of our navy for feveral years ; and in 1627 
commanded in perfon the greateft fleet that for a long 
time had proceeded from thefe coafts. 

This fleet, which was deftined to relieve the pro- 
teftants of Rochelle, numbered one hundred fail, and 
had on board upwards of feven thoufand troops. It left 
Portfmouth on the 27th of June, 1627, and reached the 
ifle of Rhee July the loth, where the troops difem- 
barked on the laft day of the month. The landing was 
eafily effected, and but for the duke's incapacity' the 
whole expedition might have been as fuccefsful as the 
commencement. But his whole conduct formed a feries 
of blunders. He began his approaches with the negleft 
of La Pre, which covered his landing, which might have 
inftantly come into the poffeffion of his forces, and 
which, in the hands of the Rngliih, would have pre- 
vented the French from introducing any fupplies. In 
the beginning of the fiege he gained many advantages, in 
A a 4 fpitc 


fpite of his folly ; but loll them all by liftening to a 
iham treaty, under which the enemy was relieved and 
fuccoured. On the fixth of November, when proceed- 
ing to a general aflault, heat laft difcovered that the 
place was inacceffible, and therefore refolved to retreat. 
The execution of this refolve was of the nature of his 
preceding condudt. He was compelled to retire over a 
narrow caufeway, with fait pits on each fide, and in 
fight of an enemy, equal in foot and fuperior in horfe ; 
yet no fort was eredled, nor an entrenchment thrown up 
to cover the entrance of the paffage. The confequences 
of fuch generalftiip were foon proved by the lofs of 
thirty-five volunteers of rank, fifty officers, and two 
thoufand men. The nation became univerfally dif- 
contented, and the king difgraced in the opinion of 

Buckingham felt the mifery of his fituation, and 
determined by another expedition to recover his recent 
difafters. All things being in readinefs, he repaired to 
Portfmouth, in order to affume the command of the new 
expedition. He had juft breakfafted with his general 
officers, when, as he was pafling through an entry with 
iir Thomas Frier, clofely engaged in converfation, one 
John Felton, with a back-blow, ftabbed him through the 
left fide, leaving the knife in his body : the duke drew 
the knife, and then, falling, exclaimed, " the villain 
hath killed me !" In the confufion that enfued, Felton 
might have efcaped, had he not chofen to declare him- 
felf the murderer, and could he have refrained from 
enjoying the gloomy glory of having killed a man whom 
he confulered the greateft enemy of his country : but 



Felton had read fome book " which made it lawful to 
kill an enemy to the Republic;" and Buckingham had 
unfortunately roufed this refolution in his aflaflin, by 
denying him the poft of captain in a regiment wherein 
he had long folicited preferment. Felton's heroifm did 
not, however, outlaft his trial, where he begged " that 
his right hand might be cut off, as a true teftimony of 
his hearty forrow for deftroying fo noble and loyal a 

Buckingham fell on the 23d of Auguft 1628 : his 
duchefs, Catherine, daughter to Francis earl of Rutland, 
was in the fame houfe, in an upper room, and but juft 
rifen ; and the court no more than fix miles diftant. He 
left iffue by this lady three fons and a daughter. 



IN the year 1626, SIR THOMAS HERBERT equipped 
a fleet of five (hips, with which he failed to the Eaft 

CAPTAIN WARRINER, 1628, began a fettlement at 
Mavis, now more commonly called Nevis. 

MARYLAND, in Virginia, was fettled in 1634, by a 
colony of Roman catholics, at the head of whom flood 
the honourable Leonard Calvert, efq. brother to lord 
Baltimore, the proprietor. 

CAPTAIN JAMES, who was fitted out by the mer- 
chants of Briflol, made a voyage for the difcovery of a 
north-weft paffage into the fouth fea, in thecouifeof 
1631. He endured many hardfhips, which were but 
poorly counterbalanced by the honour of having named 
feveral places at which he touched while at fea. 

IN 1636, a fettlement was begun at Connecticut, in 
New England. And, in 1637, a fimilar eftabliihment 



took place at Newhaven. Thus, the fpirit for voyages 
of difcovery began at length to decline ; and the countries 
already difcovered feem to have afforded fufficient mate- 
rials to engage the attention of the mercantile world, 
the greater portion of which, either as proprietors or 
traders, were now employed in continual excurfions to 
the foreign fettlements of Britain. 

AMONG the defe&s of Charles the Firft cannot be 
numbered a negle6t of the royal navy, or of the mari- 
time interefts of Engliflimen. It happened, fortunately 
for the character of this monarch, that the iniblence of 
the Dutch, which had rifen to an unprecedented height 
during the inglorious period of the late reign, prefented 
him with decided opportunities of afferting the naval 
fuperiority of England. Encouraged by the fuccefs 
which they had recently experienced in their attacks on 
that fundamental prerogative of our ifland, the Dutch 
began openly to conteffc our right to what has been 
called the dominion of the feas. Hugo Grotius was 
their fpokefman ; and his mare liberum became the text- 
book of the Hollanders ; till the incontrovertible argu- 
ments of the mare claufem of Selden, and the fpirited 
language of our arnbaflador at the Hague*; but, above 

* It is not poflible for an Englifhman to perufe the following extracli 
from fecretary Coke's letter to fir William Bofwell, our ambaffador at 

the Hague, without emotions of grateful exultation. " We hold it 

as a principle not to be denied, that the king of Great Britain is a 
monarch at land and fea, t the full extent of his dominions ; and that it 
Concerneth him as much to maintain his fovereignty in all the Bntifh 
feas, as within hit three kingdoms ; becaufe without that, thefe cannot 



all, Charles's naval preparations foon taught the enemy 
to refpe6l that power which he had prefumed to arraign. 

Such indeed was this prince's anxiety to retrieve our 
naval reputation, that his firft unwarranted impofition, 
the tax called fhip-money, was devifed in order to enable 
the crown to prepare a fleet adequate to the exigencies 
of the times. 

Under his reign the commerce of the country ex- 
perienced alfo a confiderable increafe. 

be kept fafe, nor he preferve his honour and due refpeft with other 
nations. And this cannot be doubted, that whofoever will encroach upon 
him by fea, will do it by land alfo, when they fee their time. To fuch 
prefunption, maic liberum gave the firft warning-piece; which muft be 
aniwered with a defence of mare claufum, ntt fo much by difcourfes, as 
by the louder language of a powerful nary, to be better underftood, when 
overftrained patience feeth no hope of preferving her right by other 

His majerty, fome time after, made an order in council, that a copy of 
Selden's mare claufum flioald be kept in the council. cheft, that another 
fliould be depofited in the court of exchequer, and a third in the court of 
admiralty, there to remain as perpetual evidence f our juft claim to the 
dominion of the fe*s. 


December I7ff$. l> Kdu/*TIardmff 98 Pall Mai I. 

( 3*5 ) 


PERHAPS war fupplies the only means by which, in 
general, an ufurped government can be prolonged and 
maintained. While their attention is directed to external 
enemies, the people have little leifure to attend to the 
internal proceedings of their rulers, and thus their minds 
become effectually diverted from the conduct of domeftic 
foes. Thefe obfervations arife in the hiftory of all 
regicides and revolution ids, to whofe triumphs, and to 
whofe alone, they are ftridtly applicable ; nor is there 
any thing that more clearly demonftrates the unnatural 
character of fuch a power, than the consideration that it 
can only fubfift by thofe meafures which would annihi- 
late regular authority. The commonwealth of England 
did not in this refpect deviate from the ufual routine of 
revolutionary factions. As foon as the men who com- 
pofed this cabal had fucceeded in wrefting the fleet from 
the hands of Charles the Firft, they configned it to per- 
fons devoted to their caufe, and who, they knew, would 
eflentially contribute to render that great inftrument of 
national fafety and honour fubfervient to the confolida- 
tion of the new government. They did not permit the 
Englim. navy to remain under the command of a rebel 
peer, though he had acquired it to their interefl ; but 



immediately placed it under the direction of officers in 
\vhom they could confide : fo true is the remark, that a 
traitor will never be accredited even by thofe for whom 
he has forfeited his honour. 

Blake was the man to whom the long parliament con- 
fided the fuperintendance of their naval power. This 
gentleman was defcended from a very refpeitable family, 
which had been long eftabliflied in Somerfetfhire ; and 
was the eldell fon of Mr. Humphry Blake, a Spanifli 
merchant, who had feveral children. Robert Blake, the 
fubjet of this biography, was born at Bridgwater, in 
Auguft 1598, and received the firft parts of his educa- 
tion in the free-fchool of that place. He was afterwards 
removed to Oxford, where he became fucceflively a 
member of St. Alban's Hall and Wad ham College. He 
remained at the univerfity feven years, and took a degree ; 
but, meeting with no preferment in the feat of the mufes, 
he left Oxford for more active fcenes. 

The gravity and probity of young Blake foon at- 
tracted the attention of the puritans, by whom, in 1640, 
he was elected a member for Bridgwater. The fpeedy 
diflblution of the parliament into which he had been 
chofen, prevented Blake from giving the world any proof 
of his fenatorial capacity : but, as he had declared for the 
parliament, and taken arms on their fide, 'he was early 
promoted to the command of a dragooa company ; a 
ftation in which he is faid to have difplayed great bold- 
nefs and dexterity. In 1643 he had at Briftol an 
opportunity of evincing the character of his genius, 
On the soth of July, when prince Rupert attacked that 
important place, Blake, who commanded a little fort on 
the line, perfifted to retain his port, though the governor 



had agreed to furrendcr upon articles, and actually killed 
feveral of the king's forces. This bravado fo exafpe- 
rated the royal general, that he threatened to hang 
Blake, and would probably have executed the threat 
but for the entreaty of feveral gentlemen who pleaded 
the inexperience of Blake in excufe of his raflinefs and 

In 1644 Blake was conftituted governor of Taunton, 
which he had recently taken for the parliament. 
Though neither the works could be confidered as 
ftrong, nor the garrifon numerous, he contrived to keep 
Goring at bay, who appeared before that place with ten 
thoufand men, till the garrifon was relieved. Before, 
however, relief arrived, Goring had carried the out- 
works, and actually taken a part of the town ; circum- 
ftances that were not overlooked by the parliament, 
who voted the garrifon a bounty of 20oo/. and to Blake 
a prefent of 500 /. for his gallant defence. During April, 
1646, Blake reduced Dunfler Caftle ; and this was his 
Jaft military fervice in the rebel war. 

The year 1649 faw Blake appointed to his firft com- 
mand on that element where he afterwards fo eminently 
excelled *. This fea-fervice commenced againll prince 

* It is not eafy to gu;fs, Campbell obferves, what induced the parlia- 
ment to make choice of him, who had always ferved as a horfe-ofiicer, to 
have the fupreme command of die fleet. Perhaps, as the parliament had 
lately taken upon themfelves the rank, though not the title, of States- 
General, thsy might therefore be inclined to make ufe of deputies fur the 
4ireftion both of fleets and armies who were to judge in great points, 
and to be obeyed by fuch as were fkilful in their profefiion, either as fea- 
men or foldiersj for, in thei- judgment, ta command was one thing, and 
to aft another. Such' appears to have been the origin of thofe who, from 
mere land officers, quickly acquired the love of failors, and became in a 
'h ">T r . time fuch able feamen themfelves. 



Rupert, whom he purfued from the Irifh coaft into the 
Mediterranean, highly to the fatisfacYion of the parlia- 
ment. ]n the couife of this exploit he not only ended 
that piratical warfare which had been fo long carried on 
againft our merchants, but alfo awed both the Spaniards 
and Portuguefe into a perfect fubmiflion to the new- 
created claims of the Engliih commonwealth. On his 
return from thefe fervices, he had a fmgular engagement 
with a French man of war of forty guns. Blake or- 
dered the captain on hoard, and inquired if he was wil- 
ling to lay down his fword ; the Frenchman replying in 
the negative, Blake defired him to return to his fhip, 
and fight it out as long as he could. They fought 
nearly two hours, when the enemy fubmitting, repaired 
immediately to Blake's fhip, faluted, and then prefented 
his fword to the admiral upon his knees. He foon after 
reached Plymouth with this prize, and four others, 
where he received the thanks of his mailers, who had 
made him one of the wardens of the cinque ports. 

In March, 1651, he was appointed one of the admi- 
rals and generals of the fleet for the year. During that 
period he was principally engaged in the reduction of 
Scilly, Guernfey, and Jerfey. Towards the clofe of this 
year ^he was elected a member of the council of ftate. 
In March, 1652, when the profpe& of a Dutch war * 


* The fiift blood that was flied in this dreadful and memorable war, 
was occafioned by commodore Young having fired upon a Dutch man of 
war, on the I4th of May, i65Z, who had refufed the accnftomed honour 
of the flag. That Young did not, however, invite a battle is evinced by 
his having Cent his boat on board the Dutchman to perfuade him to rtrike. 
The D'Kch captain very honeftly replied, that the States had threatened 
to take off his head if he ftruck ; a proof that the H >llanders were de- 


became certain, Blake experienced an unequivocal fign 
of the confidence of the parliament, who then confti- 
tuted him generalifiimo of the fleet for nine months. 

The Dutch ^admiral, Van Tromp, who was at fea 
with a fleet exceeding forty fail, rode into the Downs on 
the 1 8th of May 1652, where he met with a fmall 
fquadron under the command of major Bourne. He 
talked to Bourne of ftrefs of weather, as a plea for his 
meeting the Englifh in that fituation : to this Bourne 
roundly anfvVered, that the veracity of his excufe would 
beft appear by the fhortnefs of his flay. Nor did Bourne, 
who foon difcerned the jeal intent of the Dutchman, 
neglect to give timely intimation to Blake of Van 
Tromp's appearance. The next day fully verified the 
fufpicions of Bourne. About noon, on the ipth of 
May, Van Tromp, with his fleet, bore down upon 
Blake in Dover Road. Blake now fired twice at the 
Dutch flag, when the enemy inftantly returned a broad- 
fide. Near the clofe of the conflict, which lafted from 
4 P. M. till 9, Bourne came in with his eight fhips; 
for Blake had been engaged nearly four hours alone, 
before the weather permitted the whole of the fleet to 
aft. But the Englifh now made fo decided a refiftance 
as obliged Van Tromp to bear away. The Dutch do 
not deny that this victory was entirely on the fide of the 
Englifh, who, at firft with fifteen, and at laft with no 

termined on war. Upon this the fight began, and the enemy were foon 
comp.-lled to fubmit. There were two other ihips of war. and about 
twelve merchantmen, none of which interfered j nor, after the Dutch 
/hips had taken in their flags, did Young even attempt to make any prlies. 
It is plain, i.i eve:y circumftance of this action, that the Engli/h were far 
from being the aggreffors. 

B b more 


more than twenty-three fail, bravely contended againft 
a fleet of forty-two fhips, which they vanquished, oblig- 
ing them to retire with the lofs of two taken and one 
difabled. Blake acquired much reputation from this 
action, in which, indeed, he had conducted himfelf with 
great ability. When he at firfl perceived that Van 
Tromp approached nearer to him than the occafion de- 
manded, he faluted him with two guns without ball, to 
remind him of ftriking fail ; the enemy, in contempt, 
then tired on the contrary fide. To Blake's fecond and 
third gun Van Tromp replied with his broadfides. Still 
defirous to prevent the effufipn of human blood, Blake 
iingled out his own (hip from the fleet, in which, as he 
was approaching Van Tromp in hopes of adjufting their 
differences by parley, he received fuch broadfides from 
the Dutch fleet as broke all the windows of his (hip, 
and mattered the flern. Blake was at this moment in 
his cabin, drinking with fome of his officers, and could 
not reprefs the ftrongeft burfts of refentment at a pro- 
ceeding in fuch diredl hoftility to the law of nations: he 
commanded his men to anfwer the Durch in their own 
language, obferving, when his pamon abated, " he took 
it very ill of Van Tromp, that he mould take his mip 
for a bawdy-houfe and break his windows." He lay in 
the Downs for a long time after this engagement, dur- 
ing xvhich he employed himfelf in the repairs and in- 
creafe of his fleet, occafionally detaching fmall fquadrons 
to cruize upon the enemy. 

Having recruited his ftrength, inftituted a folemn faft 
on board his fleet for fuccefs on their enterprifes, and 
finding Ayfcue returned from Barbadoes with a force 



competent to defend the Downs, Blnke failed on the 2d 
of July, 1652, in purfuit of a plan which lie had deviled 
to abate the infolence of the Dutch. Bearing north- 
wards, he foon fell in with the Dutch fifhers, which 
were in great numbers, under the protection of twelve 
men of war. Thefe defended the convoy with great 
determination ; but the whole were at length neceflitated 
to fubmit to the fuperiority of the Englilh commander. 
Blake on this occafion exacted that for which the unfor- 
nate Charles I. had in vain efiayed, though he a6ted, at 
the fame time, with the cleared honour and beneficence. 
After intimating the utter deftrudlion of their bufles, if, 
for the future, they were found in that fituation with- 
out licence of his government, he collected the tenth 
herring, and then permitted them to complete their lad- 
ings and depart. Truly fenfible of the importance of 
this fifhery to the efiential interefts of their country, 
the Dutch writers do not hefitate to applaud the conduit 
of Blake, as an Engliihman, in terms honourable to 
themielves, and not unworthy of this eminent feaman. 
Some hoftilities having been committed on the coafts of 
Newfoundland by France, Blake, about this time, at- 
tacked a ftrong detachment of the French fleet which 
were failing to the relief of Dunkirk. He either took 
or deftroyed the whole of this fquadron. 

On the 28th of September this year, 1652, Blake 
again engaged with the Dutch fleet, under De Wit and 
Ruyter. This conteft, though in the approach courted, 
was, at the moment of engaging, evidently evaded by 
the enemy, who covered themfelves behind a fand-bank. 
Blake, notwithfhmding, having difpofed his (hips into 
B b 2 three 


three divifions, the firft commanded by himfelf, the fe- 
cond by his vice-admiral Pen, and the third by rear- 
admiral Bourne, refolvcd to attack the foe. Trie opening 
of this battle was entirely to the difadvantage of the 
Engliih, till De Wit came freely from his (belter into 
a fair engagement. A Dutch man of war, who now 
tried to board the Sovereign, a fine new (hip that had 
been but juft liberated from the fands, was funk by her 
firft difcharge. This was fpeedily followed up with the 
capture of the Dutch rear-admiral, by captain Mildmay; 
while, before the termination of the affair, two more 
Dutchmen were funk, and a third blown up. De Wit 
began his retreat, and was chafed by the Englifh till 
night, who, refuming the chace with morning, did not 
ceafe to purfue the flying enemy till they were within 
twelve leagues of their own (hores, and feen entering 
the Goree. The .Englifli had three hundred killed, 
and about the fame number wounded. For the wounded, 
the parliament made ample provifion ; and tranfmitted 
their thanks to Blake and his officers, who had by this 
time returned in triumph to the Downs. 

It was the 2Qth of November when Blake, who 
thought the feafon for action over, and had accordingly 
difperfed the greater part of his fleet, found himfelf fud- 
denly faced by Van Tromp, who, learning the fituation 
of the Englidi admiral, had failed with a fleet of eighty 
(hips to attack him in the Downs. Notwithftanding 
Van Tromp's fuperiority, the wind only deterred the 
tnglifh from engaging him till eleven in the morning 
of the 3Oth, by which time both fleets were plying 
weftward, and Blake had the weather-gage. Small as 
was the force of Blake, confifting of no more than 
6 thirty- 


thirty-feven (hips, when controlled with that of his op- 
ponent, his fituation was rendered yet more critical from 
the circumftance of the half of his fleet only being able 
to fhare in the conflict. Van Tromp had therefore little 
juflice in exulting fo foolilhly as to place a broom at his 
topmaft head, intending by this to intimate that he 
would fweep the narrow feas of Englifh fhips. Happily 
for Blake, that, unlike the people of Holland, the par- 
liament did not always eftimate the merit by the refult 
of an undertaking : they could fee worth in a defeated 
as well as in a fuccefsful commander; they applauded 
their admiral, immediately augmented his naval force, 
and named him, in conjunction with Monk and 
Deane, general at fea for another year. . By the nth of 
February, 1653, they had a fleet of iixty fhips ready for 
war ; and with thefe Blake failed over againir. Portland, 
in order to welcome Tromp on his return. 

Tromp had almoft three hundred merchantmen un- 
der convoy, when, to his great furprife, he fell in with 
Blake, aflifted by Deane, on board the Triumph, and 
followed by twelve ftout (hips, about eight in the morn- 
ing of the iSth of February, 1653. Though the force 
of the adverfe fleets was nearly poifed, yet, as confider- 
able time elapfed before Blake could bring the whole of 
his fhips to bear, his fituation became extremely alarm- 
ing. He was wounded in the thigh with a piece of 
iron which had been driven into the direction by a fhot, 
and which alfo damaged Deane's clothes. Captain Ball, 
who commanded the Triumph, was fhot dead, and fell 
at the admiral's feet ; his fecrefary, Mr. Sparrow, was 
flain while receiving his orders ; a hundred of his crew 
were killed, moft of the others wounded ; and his fhip 
B b 3 was 


was fo thoroughly fhattered that it made but a pitiful 
figure in the fucceeding contefts. The Fairfax had an 
hundred men killed, and was wretchedly difabled ; the 
Vanguard loft her captain, the brave Mildmay, and 
many of her men. As to the Proferpine, of forty four 
guns, fhe was boarded by De Ruyter, and on the eve of 
being taken, when De Ruyter was himfelf boarded by 
an-Englifh man of war, and the Proferpine refcued. 
Two fhips were difabled, and retired into Portfmouth. 
T^-ornp, who was moft engaged with Blake, loft the 
greater part of his officers, and had his fhip difabled. 
De Ruyter loft his main and fore-top-maft, and nar- 
rowly efcaped being captured. One Dutch man of 
war was blown up ; and one of another fix, that were 
cither funk or taken, had its rigging fo clotted with 
blood and brains, that it was impoflible to look upon it 
but with emotions of indefcribable honor. 

The night of Friday was paffed in difpofitions for the 
engagement of Saturday. On the afternoon of that 
day, the Englifh came up with the enemy about three 
leagues N. W. of the Ifle of Wight. The engagement 
that enfuedvvas but partial, though it continued through 
the night of Saturday, as Tromp chofe to make a kind 
of retreating fight. During this period the merchant- 
men, finding they muft fhift for themfelves, threw part 
of their cargoes overboard, and began to make off. In 
this way, fixteen merchant fhips, and eight men of war, 
were at length fecured by the Englifh. 

Every effort made by the Englifh t Tenew the fight 

on Sunday was ineffectual. Tromp had flipped away, 

in the dark, with fome of his convoy, to Calais fands ; 

whence, with thefe, and near forty fail, the wind fa- 

3 vouring 


routing him, he tided it home. Blake could follow 
him but flowly ; for, though he cared not for Dutch- 
men, he entertained a juft dread of their fhallow coafts. 
Three men of war were, however, taken in this pur- 
fuit, and many of their merchantmen picked up. The 
Dutch loft, . in thefe engagements, eleven men of war ; 
thirty merchantmen ; fifteen hundred killed, and as 
many wounded. In (hips, the Englifh loft only the 
Sampfon, which was Junk by her captain, becaufe dif- 
abled ; in men, it is probable that their lofs was not 
lefs than that of the enemy. It was in the courfe of 
this affair that Blake made excellent ufe of a body of 
foldiers on board the fleet. 

As Blake was known to be a man zealoufly devoted 
to the glory of his country, and one who would ferve 
it under any modification of government, Cromwell did 
not hefitate to give him that confideration in his pro- 
tectorate which he had acquired from the gratitude of 
the long parliament. In the fummer of 1654 Crom- 
well ordered the equipment of two powerful fleets, one 
of which was immediately committed to the direction 
of admiral Blake. With this Blake failed firft to Leg- 
horn, where he demanded 150,0007. of the grand duke 
for his behaviour to a former Englifh fleet under Apple- 
ton, and obtained 6o,ooo/. From Leghorn he pro- 
ceeded to Algiers, where he anchored without the 
Mole on the loth of March, 1655 ; an ^ fr m thence 
fent an officer to demand fatisfa&ion for the piracies 
committed on the Englifli, and requiring the releafe of 
all captives belonging to his nation, The dey gave the 
bell fatisfaclion in his power to the refolute requifitions 
Cb4 of 


of Blake; and promifed a very different fyftem towards 
the Engltfh in future, on the part of the Algerines. 

Blake now direded his courfe to Tunis, where he 
fpeedily arrived, and difpatched to the governor of that 
place a meffage not diffimilar to that on which he had 
laft infilled at Algiers. To the prefent demands he, 
however, received an anfvver that had more of temerity 
than valour: " Here are our caftles of Guletta and 
Porto Ferino (faid the governor of Tunis) ; you may 
do your worft : we do not fear you." Blake, entering 
the bay of Porto Ferino, foon reduced the caftle and 
line to a defencelefs condition ; and immediately re- 
folved to hurn nine fhlps which were then in the road. 
This refolution was executed with a boldnefs and ce- 
lerity worthy of him who had conceived it. Each of 
his fhips fent out her long-boat, manned with the 
choiceft of his men, who entered the harbour and fired 
the enemy's fhips ; while he and the remainder of the 
fleet completely covered their brave comrades from the 
caftle, by playing upon it inceflantly with cannon. The 
veflels of the pirates were entirely deftroyed, with 
the lofs of twenty-five men killed, and eight wounded. 
He now made an excurfion to Tripoli, and, having 
made a peace with that government, returned again to 
Tunis, where he at laft compelled the inhabitants to 
conclude a treaty on terms glorious and profitable to his 

It is pleafing to reflect upon thofe attentions which 
were invariably paid to the valour of this extraordinary 
man. A Dutch admiral would not wear his flag while 
Blake was in the harbour of Cadiz. One of the vic- 
tuallers attending his fleet, being feparated, fell in with 



the French admiral and feven men of war, near the 
mouth of the Straits : the captain of the viftual ler was 
ordered on board the admiral, who inquired where Blake 
was drank his health with five guns, and wifhed his 
captain a good voyage. Even the daring audacity of the 
Algerines was fo humbled before Blake, that they were 
accuftomed to Hop the fally rovers, from which they 
took out every Englifh prifoner, and fent them to him, 
in hopes of obtaining his favour *. 

Blake was cruizing before the haven of Cadiz, in 
the month of April 1657, when he gained intelligence 
of a Plate-fleet that had put into Santa Cruz, in the 
ifland of Teneriffe. He arrived before the town of 
Santa Cruz on the 2oth of April, where he difcovered 

* The following circumftance cannot fail even to heighten the reader's 
refpedt for the memory of Blake. Some of his feamen going aflr>rr , while 
he lay in the road of Malaga, they m?t the hoft as it carrying to fome 
fick perf >n, and highly ridiculed the proceflion. The prieft, refent'mg thii 
procedure incited the popuU.e to revenge the indignity j who hereupon 
beat the failors fe verely. Thefe men, when they returned on board, com- 
plained to the admiral of their ufage, wh* inft^ntly difmifl'ed a tiu i;pt to 
the viceroy, demanding the prieft who was the author of the infult. The 
Ticeroy anfwered, he had no power over a prieft, and could not therefore 
comply with the truwpet. Blake replied, he would not difcnfs who had 
power to tranfmit the prieft j but that, if he were not fent within three 
hours, he would burn the town about their ears. Alarmrd at this intima- 
tion, the inhabitants brought the viceroy to a compliance with Blake's de- 
mand. When the prieft appeared, he excufed himfelf to the admiral on 
account of the misbehaviour of the failors. Blake faid ; If you had 
complained to me, I would have puni/hed them fevereiy ; for I would not 
.f lifter any of my men to affront the eflabliihed religion of the place where- 
at I touched : but you were to blame in fetting the Spaniards to btat 
them; for, I would have you and the world to know, that nofie but an. 
Englishman ihonld chaftife an Englishman." 



the flota, confiding of fix galleons richly laden, and ten 
other veflels ; the veflels were fecured within the port by a 
ftrong barricade, and the galleons were Rationed without 
the boom. Nor was the port in a neglected condition : 
but, on the contrary, ftrongly defended ; having on the 
north a good caftle well ftored with artillery, and feven 
forts united by a line of communication and manned 
wilh mufqueteers. When the mailer of a Dutchman, 
who heard of Blake's approach, requefled permiffiou 
of the Spanifh governor to fail ; fo fecure did that gen- 
tleman confider himfelf as to reply, " Get you gone, if 
you will ; and let Blake come, if he dare !" 

Having called a council of war, wherein it was de- 
termined to deftroy the enemy's fhips, as it was itfpofli- 
ble to bring them off, Captain Stayner was fent with 
a fcjuadron to effect that purpofe : he forced his paflage 
into the bay ; while other frigates played upon the forts 
and line, and hindered thefe from difturbing Stayner's 
operations. Supported by Blake, Stayner boarded the 
galleons ; and, in two hours, the whole Spanifh fleet 
was cleftroyed. The wind now veering to S. W. Blake 
patted in fafety out of the port, with the fmall lofs of 48 
killed and 120 wounded. This dreadful exploit fo con- 
founded the Spaniards, that they began to perfuade 
thenafelves its perpetrators muft be devils rather than 
mere men, and never afterwards conceived themfelves 
fafe, however fuperior in numbers, iltuation, or for- 

Cromwell received the news of this fuccefs with evi- 
dent exultation. He loft no time in communicating it 
to his parliament, who were then fitting, and who, after 



ordering a day of public thankfgiving, voted a ring 
worth live hundred pounds to Blake, as a teftimony of 
his country's gratitude; the fum of one hundred pounds 
to the captain who brought the intelligence ; and their 
thanks to all the officers and foldiers concerned in the 

Blake hovered about Cadiz for fome time after his 
expedition to Teneriffe ; when finding that his (hips 
were become foul, and feeling his health on the decline, 
he.failed for England. But his complaint, a combina- 
tion of dropfy and fcurvy, having been neglected during 
the lait three years, rofe to fuch a pitch, in proportion 
as he drew nearer home, as for ever to deny him the 
gratification of again fetting foot on his native fhore. 
He expired while his (hip, the St. George, was entering 
Plymouth Sound, on the lyth of Auguft 1657, having 
frequently inquired for land, during the latter moments 
of the voyage. His bowels being taken out and de- 
pofited in the great church at Plymouth, his body was 
then embalmed, and wrapped in lead, in order that it 
might be removed to London, purfuant to the directions 
of the Protector. 

After the corpfe had lain during feveral days in flate 
at Greenwich, it was carried from thence in a fuperb 
barge, on the fourth of September, to be interred in 
Weftminfter Abbey. This procefiion was accompanied 
by the relations and fervants of the deceafcd Admiral ; 
by Cromwell's council, the commiffioners of the navy, 
&c. the lord mayor and aldermen of the metropolis, the 
field officers of the army, and numerous perfons of 
diftin&ion, in different barges and wherries, coveitd with 
mourning, marfhalled and fuperintended by the 'heralds 



at arms. When arrived at Weftminfler bridge, where 
they landed, the proceffion continued through a guard 
of feveral regiments of foot, at the head of whom Blake's 
intimate friend, general Lambert, though at that time 
difgufted with Oliver, was allowed to appear on horfe- 
back. The body of Blake was at length committed to a 
vault purpofely erected in Henry the Seventh's chapel. 
Some time after the reftoration of Charles the Second, 
an order was, however, tranfmitted enjoining the dean 
and chapter of Weilminfter to caufe fuch bodies as had 
been interred in their church during the late rebellion 
to be removed; and, in confequence of this injunction, 
Blake's remains, among thofe of many others, were 
ejected from the Abbey. On the twelfth of September, 
1661, after it had lain in the Abbey four years, the 
admiral's coffin was removed from the chapel of Henry 
the Seventh to the church-yard, where it was at laft 
fuffered to repofe. 

When young, Blake was remarked for the fedate- 
nefs of his manners, and the inflexible integrity of his 
character ; though, among his college intimates, he could 
relax into evening mirth, and was by them confidered a 
cheerful fellow. His religion was probably fincere, and, 
from the circumftance that occurred to him while at 
Malaga, it appears to have been blended with greater 
Jiberality than was generally evinced by the feclarifts 
with whom he fuled. That his character poffeffed no 
inconfiderable portion of vehemence, was demonftrated 
at his meeting with Tromp, on the io,thof May 1651, 
when the unmerited broadfides of the Dutchman fo 
irritated Blake, that even his whifkers curled with in- 


dignation, as (obferves the narrator) they were ufed to 
do when he was angry. 

Whoever lhall attentively revolve in his mind the 
actions of Blake, cannot hefitnte to pronounce him a 
republican. While at college, he was in the conftant 
habit of declaiming againft the pride of the nobles and 
the power of the church. Once, indeed, he was heard" 
to fay, that ~" he would as freely venture his life to fave 
the king, as ever he did to ferve the parliament ;" but this 
was a proportion which he never illuftrated by his con- 
duct. His political principles, if they could not be 
acculed of any pointed feverity- towards kings, were cer- 
tainly fuch as tended equally to ferve the caufe pf the 
vicious, or the good, as circumftances fliould render 
either predominant. He always inftructed his men, 
" that it was his and their bufmefs to act faithfully in 
their refpective ftations, and to do their duty to their 
country, whatever irregularities there might be in the 
councils at home." 

He had fiiewn himfelf an able military leader, when 
the difcrimination of the parliament directed his genius 
to the ftudy of maritime affairs. After having fo amply 
detailed the naval hiftory of this eminent character, it 
would be fuperfluous to dwell long on his excellency in 
that department of life. He was fo ftrict a difciplinarian, 
as to fubmit his brother, captain Benjamin Blake, for 
whom he is known to have felt the highefl regard, to the 
rigours of a court-martial, for fome mifdemeanour in the 
action of Santa Cruz. Of this mifconduct, being pro- 
nounced guilty, he was, by Blake's fentence, removed 
from his Jliip, and the command of it was given to 
another. " He was the firft man" (fays lord Claren- 


don) " that declined the old track, and made it mani- 
fcft that the fcience might be attained in lefs time than 
was imagined ; and defpifed thofe rules which had been 
long in practice, to keep his fliip and men out of danger, 
which had been held in former times a point of great 
ability and circumfpection, as if the principal art requifite 
in a captain of a fhip had been to come home fafe again. 
He was the firil man who brought the {hips to contemn 
caflles on fhore, which had been thought ever very formi- 
dable, but were difcovered by him to make a noife only, 
and to fright thofe who could be rarely hurt by them. 
He was the firfl that infufed that proportion of courage 
into the feamen, by making them fee, by experience, 
what mighty things they could do, if they were refolved; 
and taught them to fight in fire, as well as. upon water : 
and though he hath been very well imitated and fol- 
lowed, he was the firft that gave the example of that 
kind of naval courage, and bold and refolute atchieve- 


( 383 ) 


DISCOVERY forms no part of the hiftory of the 
Engliih Commonwealth ; but this era of our country is 
not deftitute of thofe circumftances, which, though they 
occupy but a fmall fpace on the general map, yet defei ve 
to be particularized and celebrated. 

IN October, 1653, ca P tam HAYTON, in the Sa- 
phire, fell in with eight French men of war. He fliot 
twice at the enemy's admiral, and, receiving a broadfide 
in return, he then endeavoured to board her, but flie 
efcaped. Hayton, however, at length rinding himfelf 
between the admiral and vice-admiral of the French, 
fired both fides at them ; when the vice-admiral called 
immediately for quarter, while the admiral ran. He 
took the vice-admiral, and another of the hoftile {hips, 
and, foon after, fecured alfo their rear-admiral. The 
French loft feveral men in this adlion : Hayton had only 
four of his crew killed, and but a few wounded. Captain 
Hayton followed up this fuccefsful gallantry with the 
capture of feveral Dutch and French prizes. 

ABOUT this time captain WELCH, the commander 
of a privateer, took a Dutch packet-boat, and the next 



morning three Dutchmen of three hundred tons each, 
and a bpfs laden with herrings. One of the Dutchmen 
was laden with iron, fliot, guns, and copper. 

CAPTAIN DARCY, who, with a fmall veffel and but 
twelve men, attempted alfo a Dutch frigate called the 
Hart, of fifty men, experienced not that fortune which 
had fallen to Hay ton and Welch ; but this was entirely 
owing to the bafenefs of half his little crew. After he 
had, with fix of his men, dettroyed fixteen of the enemy, 
and driven their captain overboard, he was at laft com- 
pelled to lubmit. Darcy had received quarter feverai 
hours, when the Dutch captain, who had regained his 
fhip, moft infamoufly fhot him in cold blood, ran his 
fword repeatedly through his body, and then cut him, 
into pieces and pulled out his heart ! 

IT cannot be denied that the naval power of this coun- 
try was directed with unprecedented fuccefs by thofe who 
aflumed the helm of government after the depofition of 
the unfortunate Charles the Firft. This was their chief 
praife, that they made England terrible to her enemies, 
and invaluable to her friends. But in this, after we have 
allowed them -every impartial commendation, it will 
appear that they merely trod in the fleps of their mur- 
dered monarch, who would have equally afferted and 
diffufed the glory of the Englifh. character, had he 
enjoyed the fupport of his fubjedls, and could he have 
availed himfelf of the fame refources which were fo 
readily opened to the projects of his domeilic enemies ! 



Some attention was given to our colonial fettlementi 
during the interregnum ; and, confidering the em- 
barrafled ftate of our foreign connexions, commerce 1 
cannot be faid to have been altogether unprcfperow. 




THIS ifluftrious man was defcended from an ar^ 
cient and honourable family, eflablifhed from the time 
of Henry III. at Potheridge, in Devonfhrre ; by the 
female line he was even nearly related to Henry IV. 
His father, fir Thomas Monk, being confiderably em- 
barraffed in pecuniary concerns, and having therefore 
no fortune to give independence fo his offspring, always 
defigned George for the profeffion of arms. George 
Monk was born on the 6th of December 1608, and 
received afterwards fuch an education as was calculated to 
prepare him for the field. So early as his feventeenth 
year we find him at fea, as a volunteer, in the fleet that 
then failed for Cadiz, under the command of lord 
Wimbledon ; and two years after, again on the fame 
element in Burroughs's expedition to the ifle of Rhe. 

The circumftance, which is known to have obliged- 
young Monk, contrary to his education, to embrace the 
fea-fervice, reflects confiderable honour on his character. 
Wherr Charles I. in the beginning of his reign, repaired 
to Plymouth, in order to infpedT: the naval preparations, 
which were in forwardnefs, with the view of a Spanish 
war, fir Thomas Monk, who was extremely defirous of 


GV.GRGK Mowx:DtrKB<*.AiiBfej i 

GEORGE koNK. 387 

tendering his refpe&s to the king, took this opportunity 
of performing his loyal intentions. As, however, the 
old gentleman laboured under no fmall apprehenilon of 
the law, he firft difpatched a cOnfiderable prefent to the 
under merifF of Devonshire, who, upon this, engaged 
that fir Thomas fhould be unmolefred on the occafion 
of his vifit to the king. But the creditors of iir Thomas, 
informed of thefe proceedings, fent a larger bribe to 
the under flieriff, who accordingly took old Monk in 
execution before the whole county. The filial impe- 
tuofity of George induced him immediately to repair to 
Exeter, where, after having vainly expoftulated with the 
pettyfogger, he gave him a moft hearty beating, and left 
him. The confeqUences of this adventure had proved, 
as might be expected, very difagreeable to George, but 
for his timely efcape to fea. 

Monk did not quit the navy till 1628, when he re- 
paired to Holland. Here his valour and fklll were 
abundantly difplayed under the earl of Oxford, and were 
afterwards rewarded by lord Goring, from whom he re- 
ceived the command of his lordfhip's company before 
he had attained his thirtieth year. Difagreeing with the 
Dutch, he returned to England. In 1641 he was em- 
ployed wholly in Ireland. During the year 1643, when 
the difputes between Charles I. and the parliament were 
at their height, Monk was arrefted by Fairfax, and 
brought up to the tower of London. While he was a 
prifoner in that place, Charles fent him one hundred 
pounds in gold, which, fays the hiflorian, was a large 
fum out of fo poor an exchequer. The king tranfmitted 
him this money from Oxford, and it was certainly a 
C c 2 flattering 


flattering evidence of his majefty's generofity attil 

Early in 1647, Monk, perceiving the total ruin of 
the royal caufe, confented to accept a commiffion under 
the lord Lifle, in Ireland, and by this meafure obtained 
his liberty. That Monk, notwithftanding, retained his 
attachment to royalty, and a difpolition to avail himfelf 
of a favourable opportunity, if it occurred, for redoring 
the houfc of Stuart, will not be doubted by any candid 
perfon who fhall perufe the following anecdote. Before 
Monk quitted the tower, he turned into the apartment 
of the venerable Wren, biftiop of Ely, and having re- 
ceived his blefling, took his leave of him with thefe 
remarkable words, " My lord, I am now going to ferve 
the king, the bed I may, -againd his bloody rebels in 
Ireland ; and I hope I (hall one day live to do further ier- 
\ice to the royal caufe in England." This fal was 
recorded in bifhop Wren's diary, which was fome 
time in the poffefiion of Dr. More, bifhop of Ely. 
Monk was often employed in Ireland by the parliament, 
but did not, for fome time, confider it prudent to declare 
for the king. 

In the year, 1650, when Cromwell was about to march- 
againd the Scots, he engaged Monk to accept a cora- 
miffion. It cannot be concealed, by tile warmed ad- 
vocate of Monk, that he on this occafion, at lead, ap- 
peared to coiitradict, if not to defert, his former prin- 
ciples ; for he entered fo fully into the wifties of Crom- 
well, as to become the indrument of that victory which 
gained Oliver his highed reputation. At the very mo- 
fnent when Cromwell had begun his retreat towards 
Dunbar, and the Scots were prefling hard upt>n his rear, 



at -the moft critical inftant of the enterprize, this was 
the language of Monk " Sir, the Scots have numbers 
and the hills ; thofe are their advantages : we have dilci- 
jjline and defpair ; two things that will make foldiers fight, 
and thefe are ours. My advice, therefore, is to attack 
them immediately, which if you follow, I am ready to 
command the van." Cromwell no longer hefkatcd 
upon the part he was to act, but gladly acquiefced in 
Monk's propofal, and gained advantages of which he had 
jdefpaired. Nor did Monk Hop here ; he pafled the fol- 
lowing futnmer in reducing the greater part of Scotland 
to the parliament ; a progrefs in which he committed 
many feverities, and perfectly deprefled the royaliits. If 
any one ihould imagine Monk to have been all this while 
attached to royalty, and felicitous to ferve it, he can 
found the opinion upon this hypotbefis only ; that the 
general a'yned at the fupreme power, in order to fecurc 
fuch power for him to whom he wifhed it reftored. 

His fatigues jn the reduction of Scotland, together 
with the continual agitation of his mind, had thrown 
Monk into a dangerous ficknefs, from which he flowly 
recovered at Bath. On coming to I+ondon, h-e had the 
fatisfaction to learn that he was named a commiflioner 
for the profecution of the plan then in project of an 
union between Scotland and England. 

Like Blake, Monk now found himfelf deftined to a 
part for which he had not been originally defigned. 
The deaih of colonel Popham rendered it ne^eflary that 
the parliament fhould appoint another officer to his 
Ration in the fleet. Monk was in his forty -fifth year, 
rather an advanced sera of human life, when he was thus 
cntrufted with no inferior command in the navy; but 
C c 3 tjjp 


the recollection that he had been at fea in his hoyiih 
^ays, and the in fiances in which they had experienced 
the fuccefsful nomination of land officers to naval ap- 
pointments, gave the parliament full confidence in the 
maritime abilities of Monk. 

Being joined vyith admiral Deane in the command 
of the fleet deftined againft the Dutch, -Monk repaired 
on beard the fhip Refolution, in May 1653. ^ n tne 
2d of June, the enemy were difcovered by the Englifh, 
near the Gober, and were immediately attacked off the 
fouth point of that place, with determined vigour. 
In the commencement of the action, Deane was almoft 
put in two by a chain-fhot ; a new engine of deftruftion, 
the invention of which was afcribed to De Wit. Monk, 
who firft faw the accident, immediately threw his cloak 
over Deane's body, and by this admirable prefence of 
mind probably prevented fuch confufion in the fleet as 
might have produced very ferious difadvantages. After 
taking a few turns, and exhorting the men to the per- 
formance of their duty, he caufed the corpfe to be re r 
moved to his cabin: as no flag was taken in, and there- 
fore the other fhips had no intimation of Deane's death, 
the engagement continued with unabated ardour and 
undifturbed regularity. The Dutch fell into diforder 
about three P. M. and continued a kind of running fight 
till nine in the evening, when a fine ihip, commanded 
by Cornelius Van Velfen, blew up. In the courfe of 
the night Blake came in to the affiftance ef the Englifh, 
with eighteen fhips. 

Though Tromp had done all within his power to 
fecure the fuccefs of the firft day. he would gladly have 
avoided the fight of the 3d of June : but as he was a 



fcrave man, worthy of better captains than thofe he 
commanded, and difdained abfolutely to fly, the Englifh, 
xvho were bent on a fecond attack, came up with him 
in the morning by eight o'clock, and inftantly engaged 
ivith the utmoft fury. Tromp was twice boarded, and 
mud have been taken, but for the feafonable relief of 
tie Wit and de Ruyter. At laft, after a defperate con- 
flict of four hours, the Dutch unequivocally fled, feeking 
Shelter on the coaft of Newport, from whence, with 
great difficulty, they efcaped to Zealand, The enemy 
were now blocked up, and mortified by the fight of * 
foreign fleet riding off their own ports. 

In this affair, the Englifh had ninety-five men of war, 
and five firefhips ; the Dutch ninety-eight men of war, 
and fix fireflu'ps. The lofs of the enemy confided in 
fix of their bed fhips funk, two blown up, and eleven 
captured ; fix of their beft captains made prifoners, and 
fifteen hundred men. Our greateft lofs was the brave 
Deane, befides whom but one captain peri Hied : we loft 
few privates, and not a fhip was miffing. Monk's naval 
reputation was elhblimed. 

But the Dutch were at this time a high fpirited nation; 
not eafily fufceptible of depreffion, or, if for a moment 
obfcured, foon feen to emerge from the gloom with re- 
doubled fplendour. By the latter end of July the States 
General had recovered their late defeat, and were at lea 
with a force of upwards of ninety fail, victualled for five 
months, and completely manned. Van Tromp, who 
commanded this fleet, was directed to proceed to the 
mouth of the Texel, to draw the Englifh from theijT 
Jlation, who had long detained de Ruyter in that port 
with twenty-five fail. On the 2pth of July, 1653, 
C c 4 Tromp, 


Tromp, in purfuancc of his orders, came in fight of tho 
Englifh fleet. The latter were eager to advance ; but 
>s the Dutch admiral, v/hofe chief injunction ran upon 
the releafe of de Ruyter, evaded a battle, it was about 
{even in the evening before Monk, in the Reiblution, 
followed by thirty of his (hips, could charge through the 
adverfe fleet. N ight prevented a repetition of the charge ; 
Monk veered fouth ward, while Tromp, unobferved by 
the Englifh, fteering north, gained the weather gage, 
and joined de Ruyter. Thefe circumftances were of no 
confequence during the 3Oth> when the wind was fo 
tempeftuous, and the fea ran fo high, that neither lid? 
could proceed to arms. 

Sunday, July the qifr., both fleets came at length to. 
an engagement. The f>ufch conducted their fire/hips 
with fuch effect as actually to fire the Triumph, 
and to endanger the greater part of our fliipping. 
JLawfon contended wir.h de Ruyter, killed and wounded 
above half his men, and fo difabled his ifrip, that fh.e was 
towed out of the line, and her admiral obliged to fli'iff 
his flandard. The fight was indeed dreadful, and loft; 
nothing of its fury till about noon ; Van Tromp was 
{hot through the body with a mufket ball as he wa$ 
giving his orders. The death of Tromp decided in 
favour of the Englifh, for his countrymen immediately 
fled ; though it was night before the fcattered enemy 
recovered the Texel, from whence they faw the Englifh, 
who here ceafcd the purfuit on account of the flats, 
riding at fix leagues diftance. The Dutch fuflfered in 
thefe engagements, to the amount of twenty-fix fhips, 
which were either burnt or funk ; had five captains 
taken prifoacrs, and betvyeen four and five thoufand men 



destroyed. On the fide of the Englifti is to be reckoned 
the lofsof the Oak, and the Hunter frigate ; of captains, 
fix killed and fix wounded; about five hundred men 
killed and eight hundred wounded. 

This was in many rcfpects a memorable conflict. The 
victory was atchieved over an enemy fuperior in force, 
and who added to this fuperiority the advantage of fire- 
Ihips : of five Dutch flags that were flying at the onfet, 
thofe of Tromp, Evertfon,and de Ruyter, were all lower- 
ed before the termination of this conteft. As to Monk In- 
dividually, there are fome circumftances in the bufinefs 
which place his talents in a very high point of view. 
Finding occafion to employ feveral merchantmen that 
were in the Englifli fleet, he previoufly fcnt to the 
captains of thofe (hips to remove their concern for the 
property of their owners; a fcheme that fully anfwered 
its purpofe, as no {hips in the fleet behaved better. 
Having often obferved that much time and many op- 
portunities were loft in moil naval battles, by taking 
{hips and fending them into harbour, and confidering 
that ftill greater inconvenience muft arife from fuch a 
practice in the prefent inftance, when they were diftant 
from their own coafts, and near thofe of the enemy ; 
he iflued orders in the beginning of the fight, that they 
ihould neither give nor take quarter. A reftri&ion 
fo dreadful in itfelf, and which feems to have been ren- 
dered inevitable by the peculiarity of Monk's fituation* 
was not, however, obeyed fo ftri&ly but that twelve 
hundred Dutch were refcued from deftru&ion as their 
/hips went down ; ftill the carnage was exceflive. ?* In 
a few hours, (fays fecretary Burchett, alluding to Monk's 
injun&ion) the air was filled with- the fragments of 



ihips blown up, and human bodies, and the fea dyed 
with the blood of the flain and wounded." Monk con- 
tinued fo long in the heat of the battle, that his fhip 
was at laft towed out of the line. De Wit, in his letter 
to the States, confefles that he had made a very pre- 
cipitate retreat, for which he affigns two reafons ; that 
the beft of his (hips were miferably Shattered, and that 
many of his officers had behaved like poltroons. 
- Cromwell's parliament, on Auguft the 8th, 1653, 
ordered gold chains to be preferred to Monk, Blake, 
Pen, Lawfon, and other flag officers ; alfo medals to the 
captains ; and then appointed Augufl the 251!) a thankf- 
giving day. When Monk arrived in town, Cromwell 
at a feftival in the city put the gold chain about his 
neck, and ftudioufly fhewed his refped. for him through- 
out the entertainment. 

The care of three kingdoms becoming too much for 
the protector, in the fpring of 1654 he deputed Monk 
to the government of Scotland. All that the general 
had formerly done to forward the intereft of Cromwell 
among the Scotch was little when contrafted with the 
proceedings which he at this time inftituted. He re- 
duced the royal caufe to the loweM ebb, fetting a price 
upon the heads of the principal royalifts in the north ; 
he creeled magazines and garrifons for maintaining the 
protectorate in every part of Scotland ; and governed 
Jthat kingdom with abfolute authority. His government 
was, however, characterized by great wifdom, and its 
effects were highly conducive to the welfare of the 
Scottifh nation. Whether his loyalty tothe exiled king 
remained unfhaken, and he merely adled with feverity 
io\vards the friends of monarchy in order to obtain the 
entire confidence of the republicans, and fo throw thefe 



joff their guard as to his real purpofes, while he was in 
truth preparing things for the restoration of bis lovereign, 
cannot be fully afcertained ; though 5-t is certain that 
the protestor was not without fufpicions on this fubjeft *, 
and the defigns which were framed againft Monk's life by 
colonels Overtoil and Smdercome, two vehement repub- 
licans, are tefHmony enough that the general was by no 
rneans held true to their caufe. On the death of Oliver, 
Monk proclaimed Richard Cromwell; uncertain as yet 
what turn the public mind would take, he thought it 
prudent to affedl his ufual attachment to the protec- 
torate, while he contented himfelf with fecuring the 
power that he had acquired in Scotland. 

Monk, having with infinite genius and circumfpec- 
tion long directed thecourfe of public affairs to this ifiue, 
the Englifh fleet, conducted by loyal officers, repaired 
cheerfully to the coaft of Holland, where, on the 23d 
of May, 1660, after giving new names to the fhips, 
they received on board his majefty Charles IT. the duke 
pf York, &c. and landed them ihortly after in Kent. 
Charles arrived at his palace in Whitehall on the 2gth 
of May, a day memorable in the life of that monarch ; 
on the 29th ot May he was born, on the 2o,th of May 
he evaded the purfuit of his enemies, and on the 2gth of 
May he returned from exile to a crown. Monk was 
immediately created duke of Albemarle, inverted with 

* Cromwell wrote a longep'ftl,' to Monk, a fhort time antecedent to- his 
death, which is fingularly characterise of that extraordinary ufurper, and 
expreffes his doubts of Monk's intentions. " There be that tell me 
(Cronawe!! writes) that there is a certain cunning fellow in Scotland, called 
George Monk, who is fold to be in wait there, to introduce Charles Stuart. 
I pray ufe your diligence to apprehend him, and fend him up to me." 



the order of the garter, and conftituted vice-admiral of 
England, under James duke of York. On his being 
called up to the lords, almoft the whole of the commons 
attended him to the door of the upper houfe. 

Such a man as the duke of Albemarle could not but 
form a prominent character in the government of 
Charles II. Accordingly he was early entrufted with the 
effective fuperintendance of the navy ; and during the 
plague that foon after broke out in London, to him 
were confided the arduous cares of the metropolis, the 
king and miniftry having retired to Oxford. Before he 
had entirely difcharged the duties which devolved to 
him from his fituation in London, he was appointed, in 
conjunction with prince Rupert, to the command of 
the fleet which was then equipping againfl the Dutch. 

If the duke had likened to the partial fuggeftions of 
his friends, rather than to the general voice of the com- 
munity, he would, at leaft, have hefitated to accept the 
prefent nomination. Regardlefs, however, of the riiks 
to which he might expofe a juftly eftabljfhed reputation, 
and intent only on promoting the defires of his prince, 
and th,e expectations of his country, Albemarle, having 
taken leave of Charles, joined the fleet towards the clofe 
of April 1666. 

Prince Rupert had been unfortunately detached with 
the white fquadron in queft of the French, who, as it 
was then rumoured, were haftening to the afliftance 
of the Dutch, though no fuch afliftance ever appeared, 
when the duke, with about fixty fail, defcried the enemy 
on the firft of June. Though their force amounted to 
ninety-one fail, they were immdiately attacked, and the 
blue fquatjron, under fir William Berkley, performe4 



actions worthy of Englifhmen ; fir John Harman was 
equally diftinguimed. Evertz, the Dutch admiral, 
feeing Harman's {hip difabled, offered him quarter; 
'* No, lir, it is not come to that yet," replied our 
countryman, and inftantly difcharged a broadfide by 
which Evertz fell, with a number of his crew. This 
condud fo irritated the Dutch that they cornmiflioned 
three firefhips to deftroy fir John's veffel. The firft 
grappling her ftarboard quarters, raifed fo thick a fmokc 
that fome time elapfed before the boatfwain of the Henry 
could difcover the grappling irons. Scarcely had he 
effeded the removal of the irons, when another firefhip 
was fixed on the larboard, fired the fails, and terrified 
z part of the crew into the fea. Harman now drew his 
fword and declared that he would kill any other who 
fhould attempt to leave the Henry. When, at laft, they 
had nearly extinguimed the fire the crofs beam fell on 
fir John's leg, and a third firefhip bore down. But the 
latter {hip was quickly difabled ; Harman brought the 
Henry into Harwich, and not with (landing his broken 
leg, having repaired, returned to the fcene of engage- 
ment. The conflict was renewed with the enfuing 
day, but produced nothing important. 

On the 3d of June, the duke finding it prudent to re- 
treat, burnt three of his difabled {hips, caufed fuch as 
were Shattered to fail before, and with the remainder of 
his force brought up the rear. The moft interefting 
occurrence of this day was the acceflion of prince Rupert, 
Thus ftrengthened, Albemarleon the 4th of June again 
came up with the enemy at eight in the morning. 
The Englifh charged five times through ; and an ar- 
duous conflict was reciprocally fuftained till feven P. M. 



When each party appeared willing to defift, In the firft 
of thefe actions the Englifli were deprived of the brave 
Berkley, and in the laft fell Minnes, a Dutch admiral of 
uncommon fpirit : having received a fhot in the neck, 
he yet remained upon the deck upwards of an hour, 
giving orders, and preventing with his fingers the efflux 
of blood from his wound, till a fecond fhot penetrated 
his throat and terminated his exiftence. The lofs of the 
Britifh fleet; was by no mean's unimportant, and the 
Dutch claimed the honours of fuccefs, though de Wit 
owns " If the Englifh were beat, their defeat did them 
more honour than all their former victories; our own 
fleet, he (ays, could never have been brought on after 
the fiift day's fight, and I believe none but theirs could : 
all the Dutch difcovered was, that Englishmen might 
be killed, and Englith (hips burnt, but that the Englifti 
courage was invincible." 

Albemarle has by fome been cenfured as rafh, in thefe 
contefts with the enemy ; but his valour entitles him to 
a fufficient {hare of applaufe to counteract cenfure, and 
his firit engagement with the Dutch was undertaken by 
iheadviceof a council of war. This council refolved, after 
mature deliberation, that, "In regard feveral good fhfps, 
befides the Royal Sovereign, then at anchor in the Gun 
Flat, neither fully manned nor ready, would, upon our 
retreat, be in danger of a furprifal by the enemy, and that 
fuch a courfe might make fome impreflion upon the 
fpirit and courage of the feamen, who had not been ac- 
cuftomed to decline fighting with the Dutch ; it was 
at laft unanlmoujly refolved to abide them, and that the 
fleet fliould prefently be put in rcadinefs to fall into a 
a line," During the engagement that followed this 


tlecifion, the duke engaged de Ruyter, and though for 
a while towed out of the line, bore into the center of 
the hoftile fleet. At the fecond council he was remark- 
ably explicit. " If," faid Albemarle, '* we had feared 
the number of our enemies, we Ihould have fled yefter- 
day ; but though we are inferior to them in fhips, we are 
in all things elfe fuperior. Force gives them courage ; 
let us, if we need it, borrow refolution from the thoughts 
of what we have formerly performed. Let the enemy 
feel, that though our fleet be divided, our fpirit is entire. 
At the worft, it; will be more honourable to die bravely 
here, upon our own element, than to be made fpedlacles 
to the Dutch. To be overcome is the fortune of war ; but 
to fly is the fafhion of cowards. Let us teach the world 
that Englishmen had rather be acquainted with death than 
with fear/' A council of war refolved afterwards upon 
the retreat ; and at another of thefe councils, heldon the 
re-union with prince Rupert, the fubfequent engage- 
ment was voted. 

On the 2fth of July, 1666, the Dutch having re- 
fitted, both nations entered again on the fcene of action. 
Sir Thomas Allen began the attack, about noon, upon 
Evertz, and was effe&ually feconded by prince Rupert 
and Albemarle, who furioufly aflailed de Ruyter. This 
battle, which continued with great obftinaoy till night, 
ended in the total difcomfiture of the Dutch. In the 
courfe of the chace, which commenced with the en- 
fuing day, de Ruyter found himfelf fo befet as to ex- 
claim with eameftnefs, " My God, what a wretch am 1 1 ' 
amongft fo many thoufand bullets, is not there one to 
put me out of my pain ? " De Ruyter at length reached 


his native ftiores, but only to experience the rage of 
difappointed people, and to reflect that the Englifh were 
then lying at Schonevelt, the accuftomed rendezvous of 
the Dutch fleet. 

The duke of Albemarle exerted himfelf with his ufual 
energy, to ward off the effedls of a Dutch invafion in 
1667 ; and this appears to have been among the laft of 
his public fervices. His health began vifibly to decline, 
fo that he dedicated his remaining months to the regula- 
tion of his domeftic affairs. On the 31! of January, 
1669, while fitting in his chair, he departed this life, at 
the age of threefcore and two years. By defire of the 
king, the duke's body lay for fome time in ftate at 
Somerfet houfe, and on the 4th of April was interred in? 
Weftminfler abbey. 

His valour was unqueflionably great. While op- 
pofing the landing of the Dutch at Chatham, he floocj 
in the thickefl of the (hot ; being importuned to retire, 
he replied, ** Sir, if I had been afraid*of bullets, I ftiould 
have quitted this trade of a foldier long ago." He was 
likewife a ftrift difciplinarian ; though at the fame time 
a decided enemy to all naval or military oppreffion in 
officers: thefe (he would fay) fhould have power to 
command and to protect, but not to terrify or pillage 
the men." What adds greatly to this nobleman's cha- 
ra&er is, that he was not ambitious : he would gladly 
have retired upon feeing the completion of the Reftora- 
tion, and was with difficulty reftrained from retirement 
by the earneft entreaties of the king, and the defires of 
the people. " Independently of his merit in the re- 
itoration," fecretary Nicholas obferves, " the duke of" 



Albemarle, by his indefatigable zeal and fuccefsful fer- 
vices afterwards, had merited more than his prince could 
<io for him." 

He inherited from nature a robuft and healthful con- 
ftitution, and a commanding perfon. An early rifer, 
and a temperate liver, he did not impair by his conduct 
the felicity of his natural advantages. He was an ex- 
cellent hufband and father, always attentive to the 
duties of his ftation, and uniformly affectionate. The 
duke of Albemarle furvived his fecond fon George ; but 
left a fon called Chriflopher, who fuccecded to his title. 


( 402 ) 




THIS illuftrious man was born on the 2jih of July 
1625. He was the only furviving fon of fir Sidney- 
Montague, the youngeft of fix fons of Edward lord 
Montague, of Boughton ; and married, before he had 
completed his eighteenth year, Jemima, daughter of 
John lord Crew, of Stene. 

Confidering the temper of the times in which he 
lived, Montague was an uncommon inftance of prema- 
ture honour ; thirty years of age was not then thought 
too late a period of human life to commence a public 
career, but youpg Edward received a commiffion, dated 
Auguft 1643, not long after his marriage, and actually 
raifed a regiment upon this commiffion, which he com- 
manded under the earl of Effex, in the fervice of the 
parliament. He aflifted at the ftorming of Lincoln, on 
the 6th of May 1644, and was prefent at the battle of 
Marfton Moor, in July in the fame year. 

In 1645 he faw a variety of fervice ; in July he was 
lh the battle of Nafeby, and afterwards ftormed the 




town of Bridgwater; he forwarded the ftormlng of 
Briftol in September ; and, on the furrender of that place, 
it was he who fuhfcribed the articles of capitulation, and 
who, ii> conjunction with colonel Hammond, was de- 
puted to London with the news of this important fuc- 
cefs. Though not yet of age, he was alfo in parliament 
for Huntingdonfliire ; but neither his military reputa- 
tion, nor the advantage of being at this time a repre- 
fentative, could allure him to deviate from his own ideas 
of rectitude, and take part in the cabals of the army, or 
the commotions of the fenate. 

Colonel Montague was at length transferred to that 
element on which he afterwards exhibited fo much 
ability and courage : he had juft attained his thirtieth 
year, when he found himfelf appointed, in conjunction 
with Blake, to the command of the Mediterranean fleet; 
and as this was the firft of thofe fcenes which have con- 
veyed his glory to pofterity, it may be fairly remarked, 
that Montague, after all, did not effectually enter upon 
his career of immortality till he had arrived at thofe 
years, before the completion of which it was not fup- 
pofed, in this age, that men were calculated to render 
any eflential fervice to the ftate. The refult of the 
Mediterranean expedition, which took effect 1656, 
was extremely propitious to the views and wifhes of the 
commonwealth : Montague accordingly found himfelf, 
on his return from that expedition, carefled by the pro- 
tector, and praifed by his parliament. 

In 1657 he was entrufted with a fleet in the Downs. 

This ftation does not appear to have communicated any 

gratification to Montague, who, though honoured with 

D d 3 Cromwell'? 


Cromwell's entire confidence and approbation *, and ac- 
companied with fuccefs in his own fphere, was feveral times 
upon the point of refigning. It is imagined, by thofo 
who have endeavoured to inveftigate the caufes of Mon- 
tague's difcontent, that the orders which he received to 
afiift the French, together with that kind of piratical 
war which the protedtor found it convenient to wage 
againft the trading property of moll European nations, 
but particularly his depredations on the Dutch, had ,dif- 
gufted this able feaman; whofe information cduldnot but 
lead him to perceive the injurious confequences of fuch 
a war, even to his own country, and whofe integrity 
Would not fuffer him to am" ft in fchemes fo iniquitous 
and pernicious. 

During the few days of Richard Cromwell's eleva- 
tion, he tried to tread as much as poflible in the path 
which had been marked out by Oliver: he repofed a 
particular degree of confidence in admiral Montague. 
Under him was fent into the Baltic one of the ableft 
fleets that had yet failed from the Englifh coaftsf. But 
this force, capable of fuch mighty effe&s, was not en- 

* Campbell fays " Cromwell defired that the admiral flioiild rather 
regulate things by his difcretion, than julti'fy himfelf by attending ttridtly 
to the tetter of his orders : and this particularly appears in the bufinefs of 
the flag, upon wkich the prote&or wrote him an epiftle with his own hand, 
commanding in exprefs terms, that he ihould infift upon the honour of the 
flag from all nations, within the limits of the Britifli Seas, and yet telling 
him as exprefsly, thati knew not ivbat tbofe limits were $ adding, at the fame 
time, that he was to execute thefe orders with caution, iince peace and war 
depended on them." 

}- The Nafeby, admiral, carried feventy guns and fix hundred men ; the 
Jlefolution, with eighty guns, contained alfo fix hundred men : there were 



lirely confided to Montague, for Algernon Sidney, 
Honey wood, and Boon, were nominated to afiiil, but 
were in reality defigned to controul the admiral. The 
parliament appear, indeed, to have no longer repofed 
their wonted confidence in the character of Montague, and 
were evidently not very ftudious of his favour. Befides 
creating this board of controul over the admiral's ac- 
tions, they did not fcruple, juit at this time, to give away 
his regiment of horfe ; and he may therefore be reafon- 
ably fuppofed to have left England with a difpofition 
rather unfavourable to his matters. 

Charles II. who wanted not good intelligence on fuch 
occafions, applied himfelf with fuch fuccefs to the admi- 
ral, as heartily to difpofe him for the fcenes which after- 
wards followed. Though narrowly watched, and al- 
moft detected by Sidney, Montague had yet Jkill enough 
to obtain the return of the fleet to England ; and this 
was the greateft fervice he could at prelent achieve, as 
the plan of the Reftoration could at that inftant be pro- 
fecuted no further. By the activity of Monk, Monta- 
gue, who had gone a while into retirement, was again 
reftored to his command. He found every thing fa- 
vourablv reverfed ; Lawfon, lately an anabaptift repub- 
lican, was become a flaunch royalift, and the general 
difpofition of the crews was equal to his mod fanguine 
hopes. In this fbte of things, having received his ma- 
jefly's commands, Monk and Montague failed imme- 
diately for Holland, and had foon the fatisfadTion of 

fourteen /hips carrying from fifty guns upwards each ; about twenty-eight 
of forty guns each j four of thirty guns each ; and twelve bearing from 
eight to twenty-two pieces of cannon. The aggregate was fixty fliips, 
on board of which were eleven thoufand eight hundred and twenty men. 

D d 3 devoting 


devoting to their prince and country a fleet which had 
been equipped to promote the defigns of men whofe 
profperity muft have proved inimical to both. 

Fully imprefled with the value of fuch fervices, 
Charles, two days after his landing at Dover, fent Garter 
king at arms to deliver his declaratory letters, accom- 
panied by the garter and George of the moft noble or- 
der of the garter, to admiral Montague. Thefe honours 
were delivered to the admiral in his own fhip, on the 
morning of the a8th of May, while riding in the 

Honourable as thefe tokens of the king's refpeft were 
to Montague, yet they were not the higheft which his 
attachment and fidelity had deferved, nor which the 
liberality and efleem of the monarch deligned to beftow. 
On the 1 2th of July, 1660, he was created baron 
Montague of St. Ncot's in the county of Huntingdon, 
vifcount Hinchinbrooke in the fame county, and earl 
of Sandwich in Kent; he was the fame day fworn one 
of the privy council, made mafter of the king's ward- 
robe, admiral of the narrow feas, and lieutenant admiral 
to the duke of York as lord high admiral of England ; he 
carried St. Edward's ftaff at the coronation, attended 
afterwards conftantly at the council, and was invariably 
confidered as one of the king's ableft minifters. 

A laige fleet under the earl of Sandwich failed from 
the Downs on the iQth of June 1661. This fleet had 
two great objects propofed ; the punifhment of the 
Algerines, and the care of bringing over the infanta ot 
Portugal : his lordfhi-p did every thing in his power to 
humble the enemy, and then, taking her rnajefty on 



board at Lifbon, he landed her fafely in England on 
May I4th, 1662. 

The earl entered heartily into the war of 1664-5; 
and to him mud be attributed the fuccefles of the duke 
of York, efpecially in that memorable conflict with the 
Dutch which ended in the lofs of their admiral, Opdam. 
That fuch was the merit of the earl of Sandwich is 
clearly demonftrated in the decifion of the king, who, 
ordering theEnglifh fleet to be immediately put in readi- 
nefs fora vifit to the coafi of Holland, retained his brother, 
the duke, at home, and fubmitted to Sandwich the en- 
tire direction of the fquadron. When this force was 
repaired, it put to fea ; but met with no fortune worthy 
of its refpedtability and exertions. The earl returned 
to England towards the latter end of September 1665. 

It now became neceflary to depute a particular em- 
bafly to Madrid. The earl of Sandwich, who had been 
frequently employed in negotiations during the inter- 
regnum, and often confultcd in the deliberations of the 
cabinet, was felecled as a perfon who, while eminent in. 
war, was no lefs calculated to fuppoit the great cha-> 
rafter of an ambaffador of peace. His nomination was 
peculiarly acceptable to the Spaniards. When he landed 
at the Groyne, on the 28th of April 1666, he was wel- 
comed in the mod expreflive manner ; many unufual 
-honours were lavilhed upon this great man, and were 
continued by every town through which he pafled in his 
way to the capital. His reception at Madrid was be- 
yond precedent fplendid and flattering ; he was for feve- 
ral days magnificently entertained by the queen, at the ex- 
penditure of eighty-feven pounds fterling per diem. He 
had his firft public audience oo the ^pth of June, after 
D d 4 which 


which he fully entered into his diplomatic bufmefs, and 
conducted it with fuch happy dexterity as to can'y 
every important point in a long and arduous treaty. 
With equal fuccefs he now turned to the fecond object 
of his miffion, and compofed the long-exifting differences 
between Spain and Portugal. The earl returned to 
Portfmouth on September igth, 1668. 

Never, perhaps, had embaffy been fulfilled more ho- 
nourably or more advantageoufly. Charles was fo im- 
prefied with the merits of his ambaflador, that, on the 
conclufion of the treaties, he acknowledged, in the moft 
emphatic terms, by letters -under his own hand, his 
high fenfe of the conduct of the earl of Sandwich ; and, 
on that nobleman's arrival, received him at court with 
marked partiality. Such was his deportment in Spain, 
that the Spaniards could not fay any thing too high in 
praife of the abilities, the honour, the integrity, and the 
politenefs of the Englifli ambaflador. 

In 1673 the fecond Dutch war broke out, and lord 
Sandwich again put to fea. He commanded the blue 
fquadron, and count d'Eilrees the white, under James 
duke of York. On the 28th of May, between two Snd 
three A. M. the Englifh were informed of the approach 
of the Dutch fleet. The engagement was begun about 
eight by the earl, who, in the Royal James, attacked 
Van Ghent with the rear of the enemy. His lordfliip 
riiked much by thus proceeding to engage before his own 
fquadron were perfectly prepared to fupport him. This 
he ventured, however, that the reft of the fleet might 
have time to form. Van Ghent fell early in the con- 
flict ; but the earl had flill to cope with Brackell, a 
Dutchman, in the Great Holland. Having at laft dif- 
7 engaged 


engaged himfelf from this gnppler, he even funk three 
firemips who attempted to burn him, and difabled ano- 
ther aflailant. But he could do little elfe ; for by this 
time mod of his men were killed, and the hull of the 
Royal James was fo pierced with (hot, that it was found 
impofllble to carry her off. It was in this condition 
that, feeing his vice-admiral, fir Jofcph Jordaine, pafs 
by without noticing his fituation, he exclaimed, " There 
is nothing left for us now but to defend the fhip to the 
laft man !" When a fourth firefhip had grappled him, 
he entreated his captain, fir Richard Haddock, and all 
his fervants, to get into the boat and fave themfelves ; a 
requeft with which they at laft complied. Some of the 
failors, who neverthelefs would not quit the fhip, but 
ineffectually exerted themfelves to extinguifh the flames, 
and one of his own fons, perifhed together about noon, 
when tlie Royal James blew up *. 

The body of the earl was not found till a fortnight 
after the melancholy event of his death: the circum- 
ftancc is thus recorded in the Gazette of June loth, 

* The author of the Life of de Ruyter gives another account of this 
even'." The fight began between the 'earl of Sandwich and Van 
Ghent; it was terrible and bloody, efpecialJy between the blue fquadron 
.iiid Van Ghent, who, in the beginning of the battle, was fliot to death. 
The brave earl of Sandwich, who was refolved to pawn his life for his ho- 
nour, overpowered with a number of men of war and fire/hips, and a hardy 
Dutch captain, Adrian Brackel!, having laid -him aboard athwart the 
hawfe,- yet Itill continued the fight with fuch unfliaken courage, that he 
funk two or three of tb fireffiips that had grappled with him, and forced 
the Dutch captain to caH for quarter ; hut, at laft, his /hip being unhap- 
pily fired by another firefliip, was burnt, and he himfelf, with many per- 
fons of quality, bravely, but unfortunately, perilhed." 

" This 


" This day the body of the right honourable the earl 
of Sandwich, being by the Order upon his coat difco- 
vered floating on the Tea by one of his majefty's ketches, 
was taken up and brought into this port (Harwich), 
where fir Charles Littleton, the governor, receiving it, 
took immediate care for its embalming and honourable 
difpofmg, till his majefty's pleafure fhould be known 
concerning it. For the obtaining of which, his majefty 
Xvas attended at Whitehall the next day, by the mafter 
of the aforefaid veffel, who, by fir Charles Littleton's 
order, was fent to prefent his majefty with the George 
found about the body of the faid earl, which remained, 
at the time of its taking up, in every part unblemifhed, 
faving fome impreffions made by the fire upon his face 
and breaft." It is moft likely (obferves Charnock), 
from the appearance of his body when taken up, that 
the earl did endeavour to fave himfelf by fwimming, 
and peri fhed in the attempt; in fupport of which opi- 
nion this writer makes the following extract from the 
certificate of the earl's funeral. " He (the earl of 
Sandwich) did, in the naval battle fought with the 
Dutch, upon Tuefday the 28th of May 1672, fo he- 
roically fignalize his courage and conduct, that, being 
admiral of the blue fquadron in the royal navy then 
engaged, he bore the firft brunt of the battle ; and, after 
long reiiftance, and finking and difabling divers of the 
Dutch fhips, the (hip, the Royal James, which his 
lordmip commanded, was fired, wherein Jlaying until tbf 
'laftt he u>as forced to put himfelf to the mercy of the feas t 
wherein he peri fhed." 

Of the king's affection to the deceafed earl, the Ga- 
zettes of June the J3th and July the 4th afford the 
3 moft 


mcft ample and pleating tefti monies. " His majefty 
(lays the firft of thofe papers), out of his princely regard 
to the great defervings of the {aid carl, and his unexam- 
pled performances in this Lift ad! of his life, hath refolved 
to have his body brought up to London, there, at his 
charge, to receive the rights of funeral due to his great 
quality and merits." The Gazette of July the 4th in- 
forms us, accordingly, that " the carl of Sandwich's 
body being taken out of one of his majdly's yachts at 
Deptford, on the 3d of July 1672, and laid, in the moft 
iblernn manner, in a fumptuous barge, proceeded by water 
to Wefiminfter bridge *, attended by the king's barge, 
his royal highnefs's the duke of York's ; as alfo with 
the feveral barges of the nobility, lord mayor, and the 
feveral companies of the city of London, adorned fuit- 
ably to the melancholy occafion ; with trumpets and 
other mulic, that founded the deepeft notes. On pafilng 
by the Tower, the great guns there were difcharged, as 
well as at Whitehall ; and, about five o'clock in the 
evening, the body being taken out of the barge at Well- 
minfter bridge, there was a proceflion to the Abbey 
church, with the higheft magnificence. Eight earls 
were affiftant to his fon, Edward earl of Sandwich, chief 
mourner; and moil of the nobility, and other perfons 
of quality in town, gave their ailifhnce to his inter- 
ment." In this order they proceeded, through a double 
line of the king's guards drawn up on each fide the 
ftreet, to the weft end of the Abbey, where the dean, 
prebends, and choir, received them, and conduced them 
into Henry the Seventh's chapel, where the remains of 

* A cauf:;w3j-, fo called at that time. 



the earl of Sandwich were molt folemnly committed to 
the duke of Albemarle's vault, on the north fide of the 
choir ; which done, the officers broke their white ftaffs, 
and Garter proclaimed the titles of the moffc noble earl 
1 deceafed. The great earl of Sandwich died in the forty - 
feventh year of his age, and was fuccceded in his title by 
Edward, his eldeft fon. 

Envy, which feems fcarcely to have glanced at the 
earl of Sandwich while alive, hovered not about his 
tomb. He took no fhare, neither under the common- 
wealth nor the monarchy, in the intrigues which he was 
compelled to witnefs; and he appears, as the juft award 
of fuch honefty, to have himfelf efcaped the malice of 
the crafty and the turbulent. As his life was one uni- 
form feries of public fervice, fo all have been unanimous 
in their commendation of a man who lived only for his 
country. That he was brave, and wife, and liberal, and 
independent, even his few enemies allow. Higli as are 
the eulogiums of his friends, thefe have never been ar- 
raigned for faying too much of him, of whom too much 
could not eafily be faid. All parties concur in the praife 
of one who was the advocate of no party; whofe highefl 
ambition was to be inftrurnental in the profperity of 
that country, in the welfare of which the numbers of 
opinions the moft diffonant were equally and indivi- 
dually concerned. 



STAYNER was commander of a fiiip of war, during 
the protectorate, in 1655; and has rendered his name 
permanent by the deftru&ion of the Spanish flota, in the 
bay of Santa Cruz, which he effected under the orders 
of admiral Blake. 

His career of naval glory began early, and continued 
happily. During the year 1655, * n conjunction with a 
captain Smith, he captured a Dutch Eaft-Indiaman of 
eight hundred tons, on board of which were four chefts 
of filver. The next year, with three frigates*, he fell 
in with a Spanifli flota of eight fail. He immediately 
commenced an attack, in which he was fo fuccefsful, as, 
in a few hours, to fink one, burn a fecond, capture two, 
and drive two of the remainder on fhore. The trea- 
fure which he thus acquired amounted to 6oo,ooo/. 
fterling ; and he therefore returned to his native fhores 
crowned with emolument and honour. 

In the fpring of 1657 he failed with Blake, who was 
fent out, as in the preceding year, to intercept the Spa- 
nifli Weft India fleet. Having received intelligence of 
a flota which lay at*Santa Cruz, Blake haftened thither, 
^nd made the beft difpolitions for attacking it. As, on 

f The Speaker, his own /hip ; the BridgewatCr, and the Plymouth. 



reconnoitring the fituation of the enemy, there 'ap- 
peared no chance of carrying off their galleons, it was 
refolved to burn them ; and this refolution, the execu- 
tion of which aftoniihed even thofe who had achieved 
it, and extorted the admiration of the foe, Blake parti- 
cularly committea to the intrepidity of captain Stayner. 
^Proceeding to the accomplimment of his orders, that 
officer, having fucceeded in forcing his paflage into the 
bay, engaged the enemy with a determination that foon 
ended in their total defeat ; their fhips were fet on fire, 
and burnt down to the water's edge. 

This fphited acYion, as it was at the time very popu- 
lar, proved peculiarly acceptable to Cromwell. He was, 
indeed, fo fenfihle of its importance, as to caufe the cap- 
tured treafure to be drawn publicly through the ftreets 
of the city. The filver was carried in open carts and 
ammunition waggons through Southwark to the Tower , 
while this gratifying proceffion, to render it {till more 
agreeable to the populace by a (hew of confidence, was 
efcorted by no more than ten foldier^. Stayner was de- 
fervedly knighted, and his commander Blake expe- 
rienced from the protector every mark of confideration 
and refpedh 

Whatever rrwght haye been at one time the political 
convictions of Stayner, however ardent his zeal and his 
efforts on behalf of republicanifm and proteclorfhip, 
anarchy could not always allure ; he became convinced 
of the neceffity of a fettled government, and anxious to 
promote its reitoration ; for there is a period when un- 
certainty and turbulence are no longer defirable. Wea- 
ried, therefore, and difgufted with the fcenes through 
which he had paffed, he entered fincerely and heartily 



into the plan of the king's return, and aflifted in con- 
dueling the fleet over to Holland. Charles rewarded 
this fervice with the honour of " legal knighthood," 
and alfo conftituted Stayner rear-admiral of the royal 

The remaining years of the life of fir Richard were 
few and tranquil. Soon after his late promotion, " he 
hoifted his flag, by appointment of the duke of York, on 
board the Svviftfure ; and the following year ferved alfo 
in the fame Nation, merely removing his flag to the, 
Mary. The nation being now at peace, no opportunity 
was offered to this brave man of adding to thofe fervices 
he had already rendered his country. Although no no- 
tice is taken of fuch event by hiftorians, which is fome- 
what fmgular, confidering the eminence of his reputa- 
tion, it is moil probable that he died foon afterwards, as 
no mention is ever made of him fubfeqUently to the 



PRINCE RUPERT was the third fon of the ele&or 
Palatine, afterwards king of Bohemia, by Elizabeth, 
elder daughter to James I. Accompanied by his bro- 
ther Maurice, he repaired to England at the commence- 
ment of the civil wars, and offered to his uncle, Charles I. 
the only treafure he poflefied a heart devoted to the 
caufe, and a fvvord prompt and able to defend the inte- 
refts of his unfortunate relative. He was thereupon 
created by the king baron of Kendal, earl of Holdernefle, 
and duke of Cumberland. 

Rupert's firft fervices were, however, by no means 
propitious to the royal caufe. The battle of Marfton 
Moor, and the furrender of Briftol, events in which the 
king's affairs underwent a material derangement, are 
fuppofed to have derived much of their ill-fortune from 
the inexperience of the prince. His highnefs returned 
fhortly after to the continent, but was foon fummoned 
from that retreat to affume the command of the little 
fleet that flill adhered to the houfe of Stuart. Towards 
the clofe of 1648 the prince failed for Ireland, defigning 
to countenance the royalifts of that nation. Here he 
was purfued by Blake and Popham, and, after bravely 




forcing his way From Kinfale through the parliamentary 
fhips, compelled to retire to the coaft of France. 

It would be neither gratifying to the reader, nor im- 
portant to his {lock of naval information, were we mi- 
nutely to follow prince Rupert through the various con- 
flicls and efcapcs which he now experienced. Upwards 
of two years he continued a piratical war againfl the re- 
publicans, and was as continually hunted by their ad- 
mirals from one direction into another ; till, having loft 
mod of his fhips, finding the reft miferably (nattered and 
deficient in every requifite, and feeing his brother periili 
in the Reformation, he difpofed of his remaining fhips 
and prizes at Nantz> and with the money fo produced 
difcharged the remnant of his faithful crews. 

The Reftoration at length took place, and Rupert was 
again called from feclufion into the arduous avocations 
of public duty. On the 26th of April, 1662, he was 
fworn of the privy-council : in 1664 he was named ad- 
miral of the fleet then equipped to watch the move- 
ments of the Dutch, hoifted his flag on board the Hen- 
rietta, and afterwards on board the Royal James. He 
was, in 1665, on board the fleet that defeated Opdam* 
as admiral of the white. That impetuofity, (b detri- 
mental to his early fame, had now beneficially fubfided, 
and in this a6tion he rendered very important fervices to 
the Englifh nation, and gave the moft flattering hopes 
of future exertion. He was, conjointly with Albemarle, 
fome time afterwards appointed' to the fupreme com- 
mand ; and fhared with that eminent character thofe 
memorable naval engagements which charadlerifed the 
year 1666. Between the years 1666 and 1672, an in- 
terval of peace, Rupert applied himfelf to fcientific 
E e difcoveries 


difcoveries and ufeful and elegant ftudy. On the death 
of the great earl of Sandwich, in 1672, he was appointed 
to fucceed him as vice-admiral of England ; and when 
the duke of York, ihortly after, retired from the com- 
mand of the fleet, that truft was entirely depofited in the 
hands of Rupert. 

The prince repaired to his charge in the April of 
1673. His pre fence gave a new turn to the afpedt of 
our maritime concerns; and the Dutch, who had lately 
diverted themfelves with the idea of a defcent on our 
coafls, were not a little furprifed by the prefence of an 
Englifh fleet at their doors in the middle of the month 
of May. De Ruyter was difcovered riding within the 
fands at Schonevelt, and very advantageoufly fituated; it 
became then necefiary to draw him from that pofition. 
About nine in the morning of the 28th a fquadron, 
confifting of thirty- five frigates and thirteen firefhips, 
were accordingly detached by the prince to lure the 
enemy from his retreat*. This deception fucceeding, 
the acYion commenced about noon. The advanced de- 
tachment engaged Van Tromp, and the prince fell in 
with de Ruyter, almoft two hours before our confe- 
derates, the French, thought proper to interfere. Even 
when engaged with d'Eftrees, de Ruyter knew enough 

* The principles of naval tallies, eftablifhed during the laft century, 
tvere totally different from thofe of the preferit day ; they rather refem- 
bled the operations of an army than the manoeuvres of a fleet ; and, in 
confequence of this fyftem, a detachment was made up of thirty-five fri- 
gates and thirteen firemips, as the advanced corps by which the intended 

attack was to be commenced. Thefe were to retir", as fuon as they 

found de Ruyter got under way to meet them, and quitted the ftrong po- 
fition he then lay in. 



of Gallic friendfhip to juftify him in difpatching the 
greater part of his fquadron to the relief of Van Tromp. 
Here the conteft was indeed obftinate. Tromp had 
(hifted his flag four times ; nor were Spragge and the 
earl of Oflory lefs diftinguifhed, as the opponents of fo 
intrepid a feaman. Rupert, on his fide, performed all 
that could be expected of a wife and valiant commander. 
Towards the clofe of this battle, which lafted till night, 
the prince's ihip took in fuch quantities of water at 
her ports, that fhe could not fire her lower tier. 

Victory, however claimed by their adverfaries, was 
clearly on the fide of the I^nglifh. The Dutch retired 
behind their fands, which alone faved them from indif- 
putable defeat : " Had it not been for fear of the flioals 
(fays the prince, in his letter to the earl of Arlington), 
we had driven them into their harbours, and the king 
would have had a better account of them. But," he 
adds, " I hope his majefty will be fatisfied, 'that, confi- 
dering the place we engaged in, and the fands, there was 
as much done as could be expected. We loft, in this 
affair, the captains Fowls, Finch, Tempefl, Worden ; 
colonel Hamilton had his legs fhot off; and two fhips 
were difabled. Schram, the Dutch vice-admiral, 
Vlugh, their rear-admiral, and fix captains, perilhed, 
and they loft one fliip. Undoubtedly, had the French 
followed up our operations, our triumph had then been 

With the advantage of recruiting immediately, as 
they were left on their own fhores, while the Englifh 
were obliged to put back into port ere they could refit, 
the Dutch were again at fea by the beginning of June. 
Sufpicious of the enemy's celerity, and knowing the 
E e 2 wind 


wind favourable to his wifhes, prince Rupert went on 
board the Royal Sovereign on the evening of June the 
3d, and watched during the whole of the night for his 
approach. On the morning of the 4th the Dutch were 
plainly defcried, bearing down on our fleet, when the 
prince, eager to meet, ordered his cables to be cut. It 
was four P. M. before Spragge could engage with 
Tromp : but the fleets did not then clofe with each 
other, and, though the cannonading was continued 
brilkly till dark, the whole affair did not exceed a fkir- 
mifh. If at nrft courted, the conteft was, however, at 
laft, avoided by the Dutch, who, between ten and eleven 
at night, ftood ofF to the S. E. The French, as in a 
former inftance, would not mix actively in the en- 

As the office of lord high-admiral had become vacant 
by the refignation of the duke of York, who vacated his 
poft on the palling of the left a6l, prince Rupert was 
appointed firft commiffioner for the execution of that 
office, on the pth of July. 

The rival nations were by this time again prepared 
to encounter; and, on the nth of Auguft, prince Ru- 
pert and de Ruyter met for the third time. Some time 
was unavoidably loft by the Englifh, during which the 
Dutch admiral had gained the wind, and now bore 
down upon the confederates, as though he defigned to 
force them to a battle. This was no fooner underftooci 
by prince Rupert, than he immediately tacked, and put 
his force into good order ; ftationir.g the French in the 
van, himfelf in the middle, and Sir Edward Spragge in 
the rear : this was a wife difpofition, and one in which 
d'Eftrees might have gained the wind of the enemy, 



xvhich, in the ufual ftyle of Gallic friendmip, he never- 
thelefs neglected to acquire. Long fince aware of the 
nature of French affiftance *, the Dutch, from the be- 
ginning of the action, took fcarcely any notice of our 
allies, but prudently directed their main efforts againft 
Rupert and fir Edward Spragge. Againft Rupert the 
conteft became particularly violent. But, furrounded 
as he was by enemies, and deprived for a while of all 
afliftance from friends, having beaten off the {hips by 
which he was moft prefled, he fully fucceeded in hii en- 
deavours to rejoin Sir John Chichely, the rear-admiral 
of his own divifion, who had, early in the action, been 
difmembered by the enemy. With this reinforcement 
he failed, about two o'clock, to the relief of Spragge, 
whom he found hard prefied by Van Tromp. Mean- 
time de Ruyter, perceiving Rupert's defign, made fail 
to the fupport of his colleague. " Seeing that Tromp 
had tacked, and was bearing down to fall upon the crippled 
/hips, the prince ran between them and the enemy ; and 
made a fignal for fuch of Spragge's fquadron as were in 
any condition for fervice, to fall into the line. He re- 
peated fuch fignal to the white, under d'Eftrees, which 

Bankart contented himfelf with fending eight men of war and three 
fire/hips againft rear-admiral de Martel, who feemed to be the only man 

that had any real defign to fight. Dz Martel, being left not only by 

the body of the French fleet, but even by the captains of his own divifion, 
was attacked by five Dutch fhips at once. He fought them for two hours, 
and with fuch courage and fuccefs, that, having difabled one, the reft 
were glad to fhcer off, and he rejoined the white fquadron : where ex- 
postulating with the captains of his own divifion for ieferting him fo bafely, 
they told him plainly, Thy Lad orders from the admiral not to objtrve bit 
Kctions. On his return Co France the brave de Martel was fent to th 

E e 3 however, 


however, though it had fuftained little or no damage, 
and might have completely extricated him from his dif- 
trefs, never (hewed the fmalleft inclination of coming 
to his relief. Of the blue fquadron the vice and rear- 
admirals alone were by this time, through the great ac- 
tivity of their commanders, fo far refitted as to be capable 
of obeying the fignal. About five o'clock de Ruyter, 
with the whole of his divifion, having joined Van 
Tromp, the conteft was renewed, if poflible, with 
greater fpirit and obftinacy than in the earlier part of 
it ; and although the prince had a force not exceeding 
thirteen {hips to fuftain this truly formidable attack, 
yet fo fuccefsfu! were the valorous efforts of this naval 
phalanx, that, after having fought about two, the 
Dutch began to give way, and fall into confufion : this 
was very critically increafed by the prince, who, at this 
inftant, fent two firefhips among the difordered fqua- 
drdhs of the enemy, and by that ftep completed his own 
deliverance and their overthrow. Upon the whole, 
this may be confidered a drawn battle. The prince 
made eafy fail towards the Englifh coafts ; and the main 
benefit which the Dutch derived from the engagement 
was, the opening of their ports, and the difperfion of all 
their fears of an invafion. 

Though the prince did not relinquiui his admiralty 
commiffion till February 1679, he muft be confidered as 
having retired from public life foon after his laft engage- 
ment with the Dutch. The years of his retirement 
were pafled chiefly at Windfor Cattle, of which he was 
governor, and were exclufively devoted to the profecu- 
tion of the elegant and ufeful arts, and to literature in 
general. Thus it was he produced the mode of engrav- 


ing called mezzotinto, and the invention of an art long 
fmce loft, by which wadt, or black lead, was diflblved 
into a fluid as perfect as that of any other metal. Many 
other difcoveries are attributed to prince Rupert. Dr. 
Birch, in his Hittory of the Royal Society, records the 
following. " A particular kind of fcrew, applied to a 
quadrant at fea, by the aid of which it was fecured from 
receiving any alteration, either from the unfteadinefs of 
the obferver's hands, or the violence of the lliip's mo- 
tion ; a gun which difcharged feveral bullets with the 
utmoft fafety and rapidity ; a fmgular improvement in 
the ait of munufacturing gunpowder, fo that its force 
was augmented as twenty-one to two ; a very curious 
engine for the purpofe of railing water ; an inftrument 
for the more expeditious and accurate drawing of per- 
fpedtive, for which the fociety appointed a fpecial com- 
mittee of their members to return him thanks ; a new 
and advantageous method of blafting rocks in mines." 
To him Dr. Hook afcribes the invention of a mode of 
making hail fhot, of different frzes. And he is acknow- 
ledged to have been the original contriver of that compo- 
fition, called after him, prince's metal. This excellent 
perfonage at length died at his houfe in Spring Gardens, 
on the zpth of November 1682, in the fjxty-third year 
of his age: he was interred in Henry the feventh's 
chapel, with that folemn refpect which his actions ha4 
fo juftly merited. 

Prince Rupert has defcended to pofterity with a cha- 
racter not to be impaired by the ufual devaluations of 
time. He was always a brave commander, and in the 
maturer years of life, whatever were the defects of his 
youth, he joined to that valour no inconfiderable por- 
E e 4 tion 


tion of judgment, wifclom, and prudence ; perhaps his 
ideas of difcipline were, however, too rigid, and his 
manners not perfectly conciliating to thofe whom he 
fo fuccefsfully commanded. He meddled not in the 
concerns of the cabinet. In religion he was a fteady 
proteftant ; to the ftate a zealous and faithful fervant; 
to his king a loyal and a valuable fubjeft. He was, in 
few \yords, an hqneft, a wife, and a brave man. 



THE negle6l of merit has been too frequently and too 
juftly remarked; but that it always pafles unnoticed 
and unrewarded is, among many other inftances, abun- 
dantly difproved in the fate of fir John Lawfon. This 
officer's origin was obfcure, his parents living in circum- 
fiances extremely low, at Hull ; and thus urged by ne- 
ceffity, or a choice impelled by neceflity, he very early 
in life applied himfelf to the fea. They, who on this 
boifterous element would arrive at reputation and riches, 
muft attain that eminence by many painful gradations; 
it was accordingly 1653 before Lawfon, though an able 
and diligent feaman, attracted any particular attention. 
He now rofe to the command of the Fairfax, in which 
ftation he had the fortune to refcue the Triumph from 
the very center of the hoftile fquadron, in our firft ac- 
tion with the Dutch. This fhip, on board of which 
were Blake and Deane, was fo feverely prefled as to be 
in imminent danger of deitru&ion, or of fpeedily be- 
coming the prey of the enemy ; Blake himfelf being 
wounded, and her captain and nearly an hundred of 
her men killed. In a fecond engagement, Lawfon 
boarded and carried off one Dutch man of war, and 
captured another in the courfe of the purfuit following 
Xhe adtion. As a fuitable acknowledgment of bravery 



fo fuccefsfully exerted, the parliament at once promoted 
him to the rank of rear-admiral. 

Lawfon had now under his command a fquadron of 
forty-four fail ; and on the iffc of June, in a third a6tion, 
attacked de Ruyter with fo much vigour, that his divi- 
fion was nearly broken, and even the admiral himfelf 
had in all probability been made prifoner, but for the 
timely appearance of Xromp. Owing to the unexpect- 
ed arrival of Tromp, Lawfon was obliged to remain con- 
tented with having funk a Dutchman of forty-two guns. 
On the igth of July, the gallantry of Lawfon was again 
difplayed. The havoc made in the fleet during thepro- 
grefs of this fourth, arid moft tremendous ftruggle, 
was indeed dreadful ; it was fuch as to compel the enemy 
immediately to fue for peace, almoft on any terms. 
Lawfon, who had by this time attained the rank of vice- 
admiral, was as much diftinguifhed on this occafion as 
in any of the preceding conflicts ; and being left to block 
up their ports, he in a few days captured no lefs than 
thirty-eight of the enemy's (hips. For this, and his 
other eminent fervices, the parliament, who never with- 
held or delayed the recompence due to merit, voted him 
a gold chain. 

In the year 1655 admiral Lawfon was appointed to 
the command of the channel fleet. But the alteration 
that had taken place in the government at lall affected 
his profperity. Lawfon was a man who really adled 
from the impulfe of principle, and one who of courfe 
could not brook the ufurpation of Cromwell. He was 
therefore by the protector's order arrefted, and committed 
to the tower ; and though ihortly after releafed from 
confinement, he appeared no more on the public ftage 
till the deceafe of Oliver, 

7 Perhaps 


Perhaps this fpccimen of republican freedom might 
firft lead Lawfon to reflect on the erroneoufnefs of his 
political tenets ; for he very maturely, very honeftly, 
and very cordially, gave into thofe meafures which were 
in agitation among the friends of the monarchy ; being 
entrufted by the parliament with the command of a few 
frigates, and inftrucled to take charge of the whole of 
Montague's fleet, on that admiral's return from the 
Baltic, he evinced the fmcevity of his political regenera- 
tion, by coalefcing with Montague and Monk to effect 
the re-eftablifhment of royalty. 

Immediately on the arrival of Montague and Lawfon 
in Holland, the latter received the honour of knight- 
hood, and was afterwards, on the king's coming to 
England, appointed a commiffioner of the navy. Not 
long after the Reftoration Lawfon accompanied the earl 
of Sandwich in the fleet that was equipped to awe the 
Algerines, and bring over the infanta of Portugal. 
While in this fervice, fome circumftances happened 
between Lawfon and de Ruyter which kindled the 
fpirit of a new war. De Ruyter had fired a falute, 
to which Lawfon making no return, the Dutch admiral 
thought proper to withdraw from our fervice. As 
Charles had but recently concluded his alliance with 
the States, he never forgave this dereliction of their 
commander. It is to be obferved, in justification of iir 
John Lawfon, that he had received a pofitive inftruc- 
tion from government not to return the falute to the Jhlps 
of any prince or Jlatc whatever. Sir John was recalled 
from this fcene, to a6l as rear admiral of the red under 
his royal highnefs the duke of York. 

He was very grateful for this honour, and is faid to 



have tendered his fovereign fucYi advice * as would have 
effected a more fpeedy termination of hoiVilities than 
was likely to enfue from the proceedings which were 
really adopted. During the firft year of the war nothing 
material occurred, the Dutch fuffering themfelves to be 
blocked up in their own ports by the Englifh fleet. 
The year 1663 was more actively diftinguiftied. On 
the 2ifl of April, the duke of York failed with the 
grand fleet to Holland, and refolutely engaged the enemy. 
At thd latter end of the engagement, which took place 
oiFLeoftofF, on the third of June, fell the brave fir John 
Lawfon, who was wounded in the knee by a mufket- 
ball, after having exceeded every former effort of his 
valour. Though deprived of enjoying the reward which 
inuft have awaited his exertions, he had yet the gratifi- 
cation to know that thofe exertions were crowned with 
iuccefs. He was conveyed to Greenwich , where for fome 
time great hopes were entertained of his recovery, but 
where he at length yielded up his mortal exiftence, in 
the fervice of his country, on June the 23d, 1663. 

* He obferved, that, in the former Dutch war, the enemy were more 
diftrefled by the captures he made after the laft great battle, than they had 
been by ail the operations of the war ; from which circumftance he reafoned 
thus That they were able, as a ftate, to fit out great fleets in lefs time 
and at a much If fs expence, than it was pofiible for his majefty to do ; and 
their fubjeds willingly contributed to this, becaufe they faw the neceflity, 
and were fenfible of the good effects of it. But if numbers of their mer- 
chant ihips were taken, if their commerce was rendered precarious, and 
many of their traders became beggars ; for this they had no remedy, and 
that therefore this was their tender part in which they might be hurt, and 
in which if they were hurt, they muft make a pece on fuch terms as his 
niajefty fljould think fit to prefcribe. This advice was rejected at that 
time, but after Gr John was dead, the king began to think upon the counfel 
be had given him, and wifiitd to have purfued iu 



Adverting to the actions of fir John Lawfon, it has 
been juftly obferved, that, " a man of real integrity, 
\vho ats always from the dilates of his reafon, will be 
fure to raife a high character, and to be juftly efleemed 
even by thofe who differ from him ever fo widely in 
fentiments." The truth of this remark could not be 
more ftrikingly illuftrated than by a reference to the life 
of Lawfon. He was efteemed and honoured by the 
parliament, and not lefs fo by the king than he had 
been by the commonwealth ; for he ferved both from 
principle, and with that ardour which is never evinced 
but by thofe whofe hearts are engaged in the caufe they 
have undertaken to fupport. 


f 430 ) 


SIR JOHN KEMPTHORNE was born at Widfcombe 
in Devonmire, anno 1620. His father, ardently at- 
tached to the royal caufe, having quitted the profeffiou 
of the law to ferve as a lieutenant of horfe in the king's 
army, had thereby fo much impaired his fortune as to be 
incapable of beftowing on his fon that education and 
thofe advantages to which, as the brave defceridant of a 
gallant and refpedhble family, John was peculiarly en- 
titled. Young Kempthorne was bound apprentice to 
the mafter of a trading veflel belonging to Toplliam. 
In a fituation fo adverfe to thofe profpedh which he 
muft at one time have contemplated, inftead of finking 
under the prefiure of difappointment, he feemed rather 
to collect ftrength from the conflict ; and, blefled by 
nature with a clear and a ftrong understanding, he ap- 
plied himfclf fo earneftly to the fludy of his profeflion, 
as, at an early age, to fecure the patronage and employ- 
ment of the moft wealthy merchants in Exeter, on whofe 
account he made feveral trading voyages. 

The commencement of the Spanifh war afforded 
Kempthorne a very flattering occafion for the difplay of 
his courage and talents. He was, in his pafifage to the 
Mediterranean, attacked by a Spanifh man of war, com- 


raanded by a knight of Malta. Having at firft fuccefs- 
fully refilled the fuperior force of his aflailant, he was 
now, through the failure of ihot, in danger of imme- 
diate capture. In this trying/noment he fupplied him- 
felf with a fmgular relief. RecollecYmg that he had 

everal bags of dollars on board, he fubftituted them in 
the place of the ordinary charge ; and thus what might 
have been confidered as the fpoils, had nearly proved the 

eftrucYion of the Spaniards. Kempthorne, notwith- 
flanding this expedient, was at laft compelled to fur- 
render : but the knight, who, like a brave man, admired 
the conduct of his antagonift, after an interval, during 
which he could not be viewed as enduring the fate of a 
prifoner, freely difcharged Kempthorne, and fent him 
home. But the adventure did not terminate here. A 
few years afterwards this very knight was himfelf cap- 
tured by commodore Ven, and on being brought into 
England, fent prifoner to the tower. When Kemp- 
thorne was informed of this event, he haftened to repay 
that generofxty which he had fo fully experienced. He, in 
fine, refted not till he had procured the knight's en- 
largement ; though this was with difficulty achieved, at 
confiderable expence and inconvenience to himfelf. 
An alion fo honourable to captain Kempthorne was 
not overlooked ; it acquired him the efteem and affec- 
tion of every wife and generous mind, and considerably 
contributed to the advancement of his reputation and 

Shortly after the Reftoration Kempthorne entered 
into the royal navy, and was made captain of the Kent; 
in the courfe of the fame year, 1664, he was removed, 
firft into the Dunkirk, and again into the Royal James. 



He commanded the Old James, in the firft action be- 
tween the Englifli and Dutch. Early in 1666 he was 
promoted to the Royal Charles, the fhip on board 
which the duke of Alberparle had hoifted the ftandard. 
His merit in the latter ftationrai fed him, on the termina- 
tion of the duke's firft engagement with the Dutch, to a6t 
as rear admiral of the blue, in which rank he command- 
ed the Defiance during the fecond action, and eminently 
diftinguifhed himfelf. He was entrufted, in 1667, 
with a convoy to the Straits, and returned with a nu- 
merous fleet of merchantmen in May the fame year. 
In his fecond expedition to the Straits, during the year 
1669, he fell in, on the 2gth of December, with feven 
Algerine men of war.* Thefe, after a brilk a&ion of 
four hours continuance, and having preferved his con- 
voy entire, he compelled to fly *. Having refitted at 
Cadiz, he failed from thence on the 8th of March 1670, 
with a convoy of fixty-four fail ; and immediately after 
his arrival in England received the honour of knight- 
hood. In 1671 he was appointed commander of the 

On the commencement of the fecond Dutch war, fit 
John Kempthorne hoifted his flag on board the St. 
Andrew, as rear admiral of the blue ; he exerted himfelf 

* This gallant a&ion was feme years afterwards out-done, though 
with infinite fatisfalion to Kempthorne ; for his fon, when twenty- 
three years of age, in the King's Fifher, a frigate carrying forty-Sx grnis 
and two hundred and twenty men, engaged feven Algenines, three of 
which Algerines carried as maay guns as the whole fquadron with which 
the father contended. After many hours fight, during which young 
Kempthwne was frequently boarded, the enemy were obliged to defift, and 
the king's, fhip was carried fafe into a SpaniA port, where, however, her 
brave young captain dijd of his wounds, 

i to 


fo nobly in the Solebay fight, that he was fliortly after 
promoted to be rear admiral of the red, and in the fol- 
lowing fpring, to be vice admiral of the blue ; flill con- 
tinuing in his old {hip, the St. Andrew. In the two 
acYions of 1673 fir John Kempthorne was eminently dif- 
tinguiihed, and here his naval fervices ended ; for, on 
the 25th of November, 1675, he was appointed a com- 
miflioner of the navy at Portfmouth, and never after 
had an opportunity of exerting himfelf at fea. Sir John 
Kempthorne died at Portfmouth on the igth of O&o'ver 
1679 " a moft zealous proteftant, a gallant officer, and 
anhoneft man," 

Ff SIR. 

( 434 ) 


THE family of Ayfcough poflefTes confiderable claim 
to antiquity, and was originally feated in Lincolnfhire. 
William Ayfcough, efq. father of fir George, was gen- 
tleman of the privy chamber to Charles I. from whom 
George received the honour of knighthood. When 
fir George Ayfcough firft gave himfelf to the purfuit of 
maritime affairs, we are not informed : as little do we 
know of thofe reafons, which, in the beginning of the re- 
bellion, induced him to fide with the parliament ; we 
are only informed that " he was treated very refpe&- 
fully by the parliament, which bouud him effectually 
to their fervice," That, however, he was fmcerely at- 
tached to his new mafters, he fully proved when, in 1648, 
on the general revolt of the fleet in favour of the prince 
of Wales, he brought off his fhip, the Lion, into the 
Thames. Grateful for this evidence of his fidelity, and 
willing to encourage a difpofition fo propitious to their 
interefls, the parliament immediately fent him to watch 
the proceedings of his former colleagues, and foon after- 
wards promoted him to a greater truft on the Trim coafts. 
In March 1649 he was constituted admiral of the Irifh 
feas; a ftation in which he effectually ferved the caufe 
of proteftantifm, by promoting the objects of his employ- 
6 ment. 


ment. As a further mark of their gratitude and efteerr, 
the parliament made due provifion for fir George's 
arrears, and extended his command to the clofe of 1650. 
Other fcenes now claimed the attention of his employ- 
ers; and Ayfcough was difpatched early in 1651 to the 
reduction of the Scilly iflands. In this enterprize he 
was aflbciated with Blake. The iflands were at this 
time garrifoned for Charles II. hy a flout force, under 
fir George Grenville, and the Dutch were alfo tampering 
with the governor. But the vigilance of Blake and 
Ayfcough diffipated every difficulty ; a treaty was fet on 
foot, by which the effufion of Wood was fpared, the in- 
trigues of the Dutch were baffled, and the ilks were 
honourably and peacefully furrendered to the Englifti 
republic ; though much againft the temper of that 
government, the members of which were not a litttle 
difpleafed that Grenville had not been driven to ex- 
tremes. From this fcene Ayfcough proceeded to Bar- 
badoes, his main deftination. He reached that ifland on 
the 26th of October 1651, where he foon became ac- 
quainted with the difficulties that oppofed his progrefs, 
and refolved to furmount them. His force, when com- 
pared with that of the ifland, was inconfiderable ; and 
the governor, lord Willoughby, a wife and fpirited man, 
and entirely beloved by the iflanders, had already aflem- 
bled a body of five thoufand troops. Thefe circum- 
ftances, fo formidable in the onfet, were at length over-' 
come by the condudl of the republican commander, and 
his lordfhip was brought to a capitulation. 

General Ludlow gives the following {ketch of the 

tranfacYion. ** Sir George opened a paflage into the 

F f a harbour 


harbour by firing fome great (hot, and then feized upon 
twelve of their fliips without oppofition. The next 
morning he fent a fummons to the lord Willoughby, to 
fubmit to the authority of the parliament of England ; 
but he, not acknowledging any fuch power, declared his 
refolution of keeping the ifland for the king's fervice. 
But the news of the defeat of the Scots, and their king, 
at Worcefter, being brought to fir George Ayfcough, 
together with an intercepted letter from the lady Wii- 
loughby containing the fame account ; he fummoned 
him a fecond time, and accompanied his fummons with 
the lady's letter, to affure him of the truth of that re- 
port. But the lord Willoughby relying upon his num- 
bers, and the fewnefs of thofe that were fent to reduce 
him, being in all but fifteen fail, returned an anfwer of 
the like fubftance with the former. Whereupon fir 
George Ayfcough fent two hundred men on fhore, com- 
manded by captain Morrice, to attack a quarter of the 
enemy's that lay by the harbour, which they executed 
fuccefsfully by taking the fort, and about forty prifoners, 
with four pieces of cannon, which they nailed up, and 
returned on board again. At this time the Virginia 
fleet arriving at Barbadoes, it was thought fit to fend a 
third fummons to the lord Willoughby; but finding 
that neither this, nor the declaration fent by the com- 
miflioners of parliament to the fame purpofe, produced 
any effect, fir George landed feven hundred men, giving 
the command of them to Morrice, who fell upon thir- 
teen hundred of the enemy's foot, and three troops of 
their horfe, and beat them from their works, killing 
many of their men, and taking about one hundred pri- 


foners, with all their guns. The lofs on our fide was 
inconfiderable, few of ours being killed upon the place, 
and not above thirty wounded. In this conjun&ure, 
colonel Muddiford, who commanded a regiment in the 
ifland, by the means of a friend that he had in our fleet, 
made his terms, and declared for the parliament. Many 
of his friends following his example, did the like, and in 
conjunction with him encamped under the protection 
of our fleet. Upon this, the moft part of the ifland were 
inclined to join us ; but the lord Willoughby prevented 
them, by placing guards on all the avenues to our camp ; 
he even defigned to charge our men with his body of 
horfe, had not a cannon ball that was fired at random 
beat open the door of a room where he atid his council 
of war were fitting, and which, taking off the head of 
the centinel who was placed at the door, fo alarmed 
them all, that he changed his defign, and retreated to a 
place two miles diftant from the harbour. Our party, 
confiding of two hundred foot and one hundred horfe, 
advancing towards him, he defired to treat. The treaty 
ran, "that the iflands of Nevis, Antigua, and St. Chrifto- 
pher, fhould be furrendered to the parliament of England; 
that the lord Willoughby, and feveral others, fhould be 
reftored to their eftates ; and that the inhabitants of the 
faid ifles fhould 'be maintained in the quiet enjoyment 
of what they poflefled, on condition to do nothing to 
the prejudice of the commonwealth." Sir George 
found, however, that he had again erred in liberality to 
the foe, again difpleafed his rigid and unrelenting 

Unfitted as fir George was, by fuch a feries of fervice, 
Ff 3 for 


for new adventures, he yet learnt, on his return to Europe, 
that his fhips were immediately to engage in the profe- 
cution of a Dutch war. He was attended with his 
ufual fuccefs ; he had not been long at fea, when he fell 
in with the St. Ube's fleet, confifting of forty fail, and 
took, burnt, or deftroyed, thirty of them. Nor was he 
lefs happy in baffling Van Tromp, who, with a ftout 
fquadron, endeavoured to intercept his return. Sir 
George, refitted and reinforced, fhortly after, off Ply- 
mouth, fell in with de Ruyter and a convoy. An action 
enfued. Lediard fays, that fir George having charged 
the enemy with the utmoft gallantry, broke through 
their line and weathered them ; and that, after this ad- 
vantage, not being properly fupported by fome of his 
fhips, he thought proper, as night put nn end to the 
conteft, to retire to Plymouth. If de Ruyter at laft 
carried his point, the protection of his convoy, it was 
with a force much fuperior to that of Ayfcough, and at 
a cofl not inadequate to the object protected. After all, 
as our advantages were notdecifive, the parliament took 
this opportunity of excepting to their ufual praifes of 
fir George ; " they thought proper to difinifs him from 
his command, under the pretence, that he had not beenfo 
viflorious as he ought to have been" But difcerning 
men could eafily fee, that fir George's generofity to 
royalift governors was the real, and his partial fortune in 
the engagement with dc Ruyter merely the oftenfibls 
reafon for his difmiflion. Yet, though they had difcard- 
ed, they could not venture wholly to offend a favourite 
commander ; and the parliament therefore voted a pen- 
ilpn of 3<DQ/. a year on Ireland, and the prefent fum of 



3OO/. in cafli, in acknowledgment of Ayfcough's fer- 

The fcene of fir George's a&ivity was now complete- 
ly altered. He led a retired life, never intermeddling, 
and fcarcely mingling with ftate tranfactions. His fe- 
clufion is thus defcribed by Whitlock, who faw him at 
his feat in Surrey in 1656. " The houfe {lands en- 
vironed with ponds, moats, and water, like a fhip at 
fea ; a fancy the fitter for the matter's humour, who is 
himfelffo great a feaman. There, he faid, hehadcaft 
anchor, and intended to fpend the reft of bis life in -private 
retirement" From that retirement he was, neverthelefs, 
afterwards drawn by Cromwell, and prevailed upon to 
enter into the fervice of Sweden, where he ftaid till 
the beginning of 1660. 

Returning to England foon after the Refloration, 
fir George was appointed commiflioner of the navy, 
and, on the breaking out of the Dutch war in 1664, 
rear admiral of the blue. On the memorable 3d of 
June he hoifted his flag on board the Henry; and on 
the duke of York's refignation, was promoted vice ad- 
miral of the red, under the earl of Sandwich, who car- 
ried the ftandard as admiral of the fleet. Being further 
promoted to be admiral of the blue, he ated in this 
capacity againft the Dutch, on the ift of June 1666. 
It was on the third day of this famous action, that fir 
George, who had previoufly performed prodigies of 
valour, while endeavouring to form a junction with 
prince Rupert, ftruck on a fand called the Galloper, 
where, after having for a confiderable time defended 
Jiis ihip with the utmoil bravery, he was at laft com- 
F f 4 pelled 


pelled to furrender. His fhip was burnt by the enemy, 
who found it impracticable to carry her off. 

As to fir George, he was paraded with tb.e accuftom- 
ed infult, from one end of Holland to the other, an(J 
then fhut up in the caftle of Louveftein. He was after- 
wards releafed, and returned to his retirement, where he 
lived and died in the utmoft privacy. 



i 441 ) 


THERE is but too much occafion for the complaint 
which has been To generally repeated, of the paucity of 
biographical incidents. It may not, however, be im- 
poffible to inveftigate thofe caufes which have too fuc- 
cefsfully operated in obfcuring the memorial of good and 
illuftrious men. Before the art of printing was per- 
fectly cultivated, or the tafte for literature became ex- 
tenfively difTufed, it is certain that the memory of great 
chara6\ers was by no means preferved with a folicitude 
proportioned to their merits; but as information extend- 
ed, curiofity ad mined of a readier gratification, and ac- 
cordingly imperioufly demanded fome account of thofe, 
who, in their day and generation, had eminently con- 
tributed either to the amufement, the inftrulion, or the 
more active fervice of the public. Hence has arifen 
that fidelity to departed merit which is now fo anxious to 
preferye a worthy record of the great, the wife, and the 

Sir Edward Spragge lived not in times fo aufpicious 
to the reputation of oalted characters, and has therefore 
unfortunately experienced no inconfiderable portion of 
biographical negleft. Where, and when he was born, 



of whom defcended, and what were his parents, are 
queftions which we in vain afk relative to fir Edward 
Spragge : though, notwithstanding the uncerainty in 
which thofe particulars are involved, his anceflry and pa- 
rentage were in all probability highly refpe&able, and fuch 
as introduced him into life under circumftances very 
favourable and flattering. The firft account to be met 
with of Spragge, is that in 1661 he commanded the 
Portland; and that in 1664, he was fuccefiively promoted 
to the Dover and the Lion. He was afterwards re- 
moved to the Royal James, and from thence into the 
Triumph, where his conduct, during the engagement 
with Opdam in 1665, has been highly extolled; it 
procured him the honour of knighthood, on the 24th 
of June in that year. 

In the fpi'ing of 1666 fir Edward Spragge was made 
commander of the Dreadnought, and rear admiral of the 
white : he rofe from the laft appointment to be vice 
admiral of the blue, during the engagement between 
Albemarle and Ruyter, and invariably evinced a courage 
and {kill not inferior to his advancement in honour. 
His exertions during the following year, when he hoifted 
his flag on board the Revenge at Sheernefs, are circum- 
llantially recorded by Charnock. " The place itfelf 
was almoft incapable of refinance, its whole defence 
corfifting of a platform on which were mounted fifteen 
iron guns, yet he continued for a confiderable time to 
oppofe near thirty men of war. And when, at laft, the 
fuperiority of their force was fuch as to render all further 
conteft fruitlefs, he made good his retreat with the few 
brave men under his command, Jo oppofe the enemy a 
fecond time, and with greater fuccefc than before. 



He retreated up the river; and taking poft at the battery 
at Gillingham, oppofite Upnor caftle, received the 
Dutch fo warmly when they attempted to force their 
way up the river, on the 131!! of June 1667, that they 
were glad to retreat, with the lofs of a considerable num- 
ber of their men, the deftru&ion of many of their long 
boats, and an infinite mifchief done to their (hipping,' 
two of which, after running on fhore, were burnt, to 
prevent their falling into our hands. Not yet fufficienN 
ly chaftifed for their ra/hnefs, on the 23d of July t\ey 
returned to the mouth of the Thames, and from thence 
failed up to the Hope, where lay a fmall fquadron that 
had jult before been put under the orders of fir Edward. 
When they fir ft made their appearance, he unfortunate- 
ly had not arrived to take the command. ' As an incon- 
trovertible proof how much the abfence of a fingle per- 
fon may injure the nation whofe battles he has under- 
taken to conduct, the only fuccefs the Dutch could, 
with any proper juftice, claim during tlvs expedition, 
which was not counterbalanced by their lofs in acquiring 
it, was owing to this unlucky caufe. On the following 
day the enemy began to retire ; and fir Edward, who had 
now taken upon him the command, prepared to purfue 
with the utmoft expedition. On the 25th, at day-light, 
it was difcovered the enemy had dropped down as low as 
the buoy of the Nore. Sir Edward having refolved to 
take every advantage of the tide, and drive down with 
the ebb, though it was then almoft low water, was com- 
pelled, in confequence of the tide making up, to come 
to an anchor, about three o'clock, a little below Lee. 
At one o'clock, the flood being fpent, the Dutch fleet 
again got under way ; our fquadron doing the fame, and 



plying up to them with all the expedition in their 
power, a diftant, and confequently indecifive a6Hon 
commenced, which continued with little intermiflion 
till fun fet. On the a6th the Dutch wifely perfevered 
in retiring whenever the tide permitted them ; and fir 
J. Jordan, who arrived from Harwich with a reinforce- 
ment of twenty fmall frigates and firefhips, having con- 
trived, though with fome difficulty, topafsthe Dutch fleet, 
which lay between him and Spragge, the purfuit was 
continued with redoubled alacrity, but the wind fuddenly 
rifing, both parties were obliged to come to anchor. 
On the 27th the Dutch got clear of the banks, fir 
Edward not having it in his power to clofe with them." 
Spragge continued to exert himfelf in his ufual line of 
fervice till 1668, towards the clofe of which year he was 
appointed envoy to the conftable of Caftile, who had 
been recently made governor of the Spanifti Nether- 

He returned to England in January 1669, and was 
foon nominated vice admiral of the Mediterranean fleet 
under fir Thomas Allen, hoifting his flag on board the 
Revenge; in this ftation he rendered fuch eflential benefit 
to the ftate, that when Allen returned from the Straits, 
in November 1670, he was left commander in chief in 
the Mediterranean. 

Towards the latter end of April, 167 I, Spragge having 
received intelligence of a number of Algerine corfairs 
then lying in Bugia bay, refolved to attack them. 
After fome uncontiolable delays, the attack was begun 
on the night of May the ad, but with indifferent fuccefs. 
At length, finding himfelf confiderably weakened, and 
the enemy, on the contrary, ftrengthened, on the 8th of 



May he determined on another aflault. The utmoft 
precaution and gallantry were, however, become necef- 
fary to infure fuccefs. Ever fince the firft attack, the 
Algerines had laboured inceflantly to fecure their veflels, 
which they purpofely unrigged, by a ftrong boom made 
of their yards and top-marts and cables, buoyed up by 
cafks ; and the long continuance of tempefluous wea- 
ther had afforded them all the leifure neceflary to de- 
fence. About two P. M. a fine eafterly breeze having 
fprung up, the attack was at laft ferioufly commenced, 
and iir Edward brought to clofe under the walls of the 
caftle, where he fuftained, for the fpace of two hours, a 
warm and inceflfant fire. During this time the boats of 
the fleet were employed in cutting the boom, and clear- 
ing a paflage for the firefhip. That once effected, /lie 
was fent in, and, being admirably conducted, realized 
every hope : the whole Algerine fleet, confifling of 
feven men of war and three captures, were burnt. The 
deftrucYion of thefe veflels fo terrified and irritated the 
Turks, that they ftruck off the head of their Dey, and 
fet up another more agreeable to pacific wiflies. Peace 
was accordingly concluded, in December following, and 
Spragge returned in triumph to England. 

In the fubfequent Dutch wars fir Edward Spragge 
bore an arduous {hare : he adted as vice-admiral of the 
red in the battle, of Solebay, and was afterwards appoint- 
ed to fucceed the earl of Sandwich as admiral of the 
blue. Between this and the war conducted by prince 
Rupert, Spragge was fent on an embafly into France. 
He conducted his miffion with great prudence, and 
much to the fatisfaclion of the court. 

Called again into naval warfare, he highly diftinguifh- 



ed himfelf on the 28th of May, 1673, in his memom- 
ble conteft with Tromp, which lafted feven hours, and 
in the courfe of which he compelled that brave enemy 
to fhift from the Golden Lion into the Prince, from 
thence into the Amfterdam, and again into the Comet; 
and here Tromp had pcrifhed, but for the timely relief 
afforded him by de Ruyter. Prince Rupert, though at 
this time at variance with Spragge, acknowledged his 
merit in fuitable terms. " Sir Edward Spragge," fays 
his highnefs, in the official letter, " did oh his fide 
maintain the fight with fo much courage and refolu- 
tion, that their whole body gave way to fuch a degree, 
that had it not been for fear of the fhoals, we had driven 
them, 8tc. &c." On the 4th of June, Spragge again 
encountered the Dutch, with his ufual character, though 
the engagement was extremely partial. The unimpor- 
tance of the 4th of June was, however, quickly forgot- 
ten in that ftruggle which enfued on the i ith of Auguft 
following. Sir Edward was again oppofed to Van 
Tromp. " Thefe two competitors for fame were fo 
intent on terminating each, by the deftru&ion of his an- 
tagonift, their private animoiity *, that, intent only on 
action, they had fallen feveral leagues to leeward of their 
own fleets. In vain was one fbip difabled, while ano- 
ther remained in a condition to fupply her place. The 
Royal Prince and the St. George, (hips on, board of 
which fir Edward fucceflively hoi Red his flag, remained, 
on the fide of the Englifh, melancholy examples of the 

* It 5s undcrftood that Spragge, when he received his appointment from 
the king, promifed he would either bring him Van Tromp dead or alive, 
or lofe his own life in the attempt. 



horrors of war, and inconteftable proofs of the fpirit of 
their feamen, when headed by a commander they ador- 
ed. On the part of the Dutch, the Golden Lion and 
the Comet, Tromp's (hips, exhibited the fame mifery. 
The St. George being rendered almoft a wreck, fir Ed- 
ward found it expedient to remove on board a third Ihip, 
the Royal Charles; a necefiary perhaps, but a fatal refo- 
lution. His boat had not rowed ten times its own length 
from the St. George before it was pierced by a cannon 
{hot ; and, notwithstanding every exertion made by the 
crew, fir Edward was drowned before they could regain 
their own ihip. He took fo ftrong a hold of the boat, 
that when it came to float, his head and ihoulders were 
above water* ." 

Thofe who have moft attentively contemplated the 
life of fir Edward Spragge, trace in him no inconiider- 

* Bifliop Parker, in his Hiftory of his Own Times, thus records the 
lofs of fir Edward Spragge. " There was a remarkable fight between 
Spragge and Tromp ; for thefe having mutually agreed to attack each 
other, not out of hatred, but a thirft of glory, they engaged with all the 
rage, or, as it were, with all the fport of war. They came fo clofe to one 
another, that, like an army of foot, they fought at once with their guns 
and fwords. Almoft at every turn, both their mips, though not funk, 
were yet bored through, their cannon being difcharged within common 
gun-mots Neither did our ball fall in vain into the fc a ; but each ihip 
pierced the other, as if they had fought with fpears. But at length, three 
or four (hips being mattered, as Spragge was parting in a long boat from 
one fli'p to another, the boat was overturned by a chance mot, and that 
great man, not being Ikilkd in fwimming, was drowned, to the great 
grief of his generous enemy, who, after the death of Spragge, could hardly 
hops to find an enemy equal to himfelf." The author of the Life of de 
Kuyter fays, defcribing this lail conflict between Tromp and Spragge^ 
" the Dutch avow the like never to have been feen ; their o -\ n two fliip* 
(/. e. the fhips of Tromp and Spragge) having, without touching a fail, 
firangely enJu-red the fury of full three hours inceflant battery." 



able refemblance to the great earl of Sandwich. They 
both fought with uncommon fuccefs the naval battles 
of their country, and were both at laft overwhelmed by 
that element on which they had fo often conquered. 
They both concealed, under the moft finifhed urbanity 
and gentlemanly exterior, a firm and a daring mind. 
Each was eminently beloved by his men, each idolized 
by his friends, each feared and efleemed by his enemies; 
and both excited by their fate univerfal praifes and 



( 449 ) 


SIR JOSEPH JORDAN was appointed commander of 
the George, a fecond rate, in 1664, and muft have early 
difplayed thofe talents which entitled him to promotion, 
fince he was foon after made rear-admiral of the white, 
and received the honour of knighthood. In the long 
action between the duke of Albemarle and the Dutch, 
fir Jofeph held the ftation of rear-admiral of the red, 
and on the fleet's return into port was raifed to the vice- 
admiralfhip of the fame fquadron. The next fignal fer-: 
vice performed by fir Jofeph Jordan confifted in his re- 
pulfe of the Dutch, in 1667, at Chatham. He was at 
this time commander of the Ihips of war at Harwich ; 
and went out, at the greateft perfonal rilk, in a fmali 
galliot, attended but by two firelhips, on the very im- 
portant defign of reconnoitring the hoftile fleet : nor 
did he render a lefs eflential benefit by thofe fkilful ma- 
noeuvres in which he gained the wind, and eminently 
contributed to accelerate the retreat of the enemy, on 
the fecond attack. 

Nothing material occurs in the life of Jordan till 
1672, when, on the breaking out of the fecond Dutch 
war, he hoifted his flag on board the Sovereign, as rear- 
admiral of the red ; but was almoft as immediately pro- 
moted to be vice admiral of the blue, under Sandwich. 
G g Much 


Much cenfure has unfortunately been attached to his 
conduct, while vice-admiral of the hlue, at the battle of 
Solebay ; to him has been imputed, though rafhly, the 
fad fate of the gallant earl of Sandwich, who fell a fort 
of facrifice to fir Jofeph's folicitude for the fafety of the 
duke of York. " U is, however, the decided opinion 
of all hiftorians, that fir Jofeph, by keeping the wind 
(in doing which he was necemtated to neglect the im- 
mediate diftrefs of lord Sandwich) was the principal 
caufe of the victory that followed ; and much as we 
may feel ourfelves impelled to lament a conduct which, 
in any, the mod diftant, degree contributed to deprive 
the world of fo great and fo good a man, yet posterity 
would have been more apt to have condemned him 
who had purchafed the fafety of his admiral at the ex- 
pence of victory." Thpugh, on the return of the 
Englifh into port, fir Jofeph was appointed vice admiral 
of the red, he was never afterwards employed. The 
reafon of fuch neglect is not known ; as uncertain alfo 
are the time, place, and manner of far Jofeph's de- 


. 180C>. by Edu 

( 451 


MINGH was made captain of the Centurion in 1662 ; 
in 1664 he became fucceflively captain of the Gloucef- 
ter, the Portland, and the Royal Oak, and was appoint- 
ed vice-admiral of the channel fleet under Rupert. In 
the engagement between the Dutch and Opdam, he 
hoifted his flag on board the Triumph, as vice-admiral 
of the white. He was fhortly after advanced to be vice- 
admiral of the blue, and entrufted with the command of 
a ftout fquadron defined for the protection of our com- 
merce. He failed firft to the Downs, and then to the 
Elbe, fully affording to trade that fupport which is only 
to be expedted, and is only given, by a wife, a brave, and 
a vigilant commander. 

His abilities were at length again fummoned into 
fcenes of greater exertion and peril. When the fleet 
was afTemblcd under Rupert and Albemarle, he was ap- 
pointed vice-admiral of the white. In that capacity he 
had no (hare in the three memorable engagements 
which took place between the Dutch and the duke of 
Albemarle, as his divifion, under the orders of Rupert, 
had been detached, on a falfe alarm, to meet the confe- 
derate French. He came, however, into the fourth 
day's conflict ; and, as if concerned to compenfate even, 
G g a for 


for unavoidable inactivity, he how exerted himfelf be- 
yond all that the moft rigid duty or moft exalted honour 
could require. We are affured by the author of De 
Ruyter's Life, that " Mingh having received a mufket 
ball in his throat, would not be perfuaded to be bound, 
or to leave the quarter deck, but held his fingers in the 
wound, to ftop the flowing blood, for about half an, 
hour, till another ball taking him in the neck, he died, 
after having given the moft fignal proofs of his courage 
to the very laft gafp." So perifhed a man, whofe ex- 
ertions had created the moft flattering hopes of a long 
feries of exploits at once honourable to himfelf and bene- 
ficial to his country. He died on the 4th of June 1666, 
in the hour of victory, and in the prime of life. 




( 451 ) 


LITTLE can be learnt of the life of Terne, and that 
h'ttle, it muft be confefftd, by no means fatiifadrory or 
important. He was appointed commander of the Hamp- 
fhire in 1661, and from thence fucceffively removed to 
t"he Milford and Portfmouth. In that great action with 
the Dutch, which was fought in 1665, captain Terne 
commanded the Dreadnought, a {hip of fifty-eight guns, 
and was, on account of the gallantry he then difplayed, 
promoted, in the courfe of the following year, to the 
Triumph, a fecond rate, of feventy-two guns. And 
here terminated his line of promotion; for he was kill- 
ed, on board the Triumph, during the firft action with 
the Dutch, in June 1666. Here alfo terminates the 
only account we have been enabled to afcertain relative 
to captain Henry Terne. He was doubtlefs a valiant 
and an able commander. 

Gg 3 SIR 

( 454 ) 


THE family of Holies, or Hollis, were anciently feated 
in Warwickfhire, and are traced up to John de Holies, 
who flouriflied in the reign of Edward III. Tretfwell 
was the elded fon of Gervafe Holies, efq. one of the 
matters of requefts to Charles I. 

Of the firft years of the life of Tretfwell Holies we 
have no information : he was appointed to the Antelops 
in 1666. As his promotion occurred only a few days 
antecedent to a long and defperate action with the 
Dutch, his courage and fkill were immediately brought 
to the left. It was in the difplay of thofe qualities, on 
this occafion, that lie had the misfortune to lofe an arm ; 
but, as fome recompence for fuch lofs, he was advanced to 
the command of the Henrietta, a third rate, and ob- 
tained the honour of knighthood. If his honours were 
augmented, his anxiety to merit diftindtion was alfo in- 
creafed. Though his recent accident might have jufti- 
fied his retiring from fervice during the remainder of the 
fummer, far from availing himfelf of fo obvious an ex- 
cufe for inaction, he repaired with eagernefs to his ne\? 
appointment, and confiderably contributed to the victory 
acquired over the Dutch on the 25th of July following. 

The peace of Breda for a while interrupted the pro- 
grefs of the naval heroifm ; and fir Tretfwell Holies ap- 


Feb 9i.t8M.l>yEdw>Hardm% 


pears to have retired from public life till the fecond rup- 
ture with Holland, in 1672. He Was at this time ap- 
pointed to the Cambridge, and is reported, in the account 
of the action with the Smyrna fleet, rear-admiral* of 
the fquadron commanded by Holmes. This war ended 
the exertions of the brave Holies, as it did thofe of many 
eminent men; he fell in the battle of Solebay, univer- 
fally and defervedly lamented. Sir Tretfwell died in ihp 
prime of life, leaving behind him Jane, fourth daughter 
of Richard Lewis, of Mar, in the county of York, efq. 
his widow. 

* To confer temporary rank of this nature has long been o'lfufed j but 
no praftke was more frequent during the reign of Charles II. 


SIR WILLIAM BERKELEY defcended from a family 
who are lineally deduced from Robert Fitzharding, a 
perfonage of great eminence at the time of the conqueft. 
He was the third fon of fir Charles Berkeley of Bruton, 
created lord Fitzharding, and treafurer of the houfehold 
to Charles II. by Penelope, daughter of fir William 
Godolphin, knt. 

Berkeley entered early into the navy. In 1661 he was 
made lieutenant of the Swiftfure, in 1662 of the Affift- 
ance; and, fhortly after, promoted to the command of 
the Bonadventure : in 1663 he was appointed to the 
ISriflol, and in 1664 to the Refolution. At length, in 
1665, he rofe to the command of his nrft fhip, the 
Swiftfure. He was now about twenty-fix years of age, 
when, although he had as yet found no inftance in 
which he could fully have difplayed the extent of his 
abilities, he was at once raifed to be rear-admiral of the 
red, under the duke of York : on the return of the fleet 
into port, he was advanced to the vice-admiral(hip of the 
white, under fir William Penn. There was no feconcl 
action in 1665; but fir William Berkeley's condud in 
this fi'rfl engagement with the enemy was fuch as to 
have juftified his former honours, and even to warrant a 
new acceflion of truft. 



The year 1666 is dilVm^uiflied by tliofe memorable 
conflicts between the duke of Albemnrle, prince Rupert, 
and the Dutch. In this year fir William Berkeley's 
abilities were particularly called forth ; as vice-admiral 
of the blue, he led the van of the fleet. The feparation 
of the Englifh fleets rendered the commencement of the 
battle perilous in the extreme; and towards the conclu- 
ilon of the fecond day's action, the Swiftfure, with two 
others, being cut oft" from our line, was difabled and 
taken. " Highly to be admired," exclaims the author 
of Van Tromp's Life, " was the refolution of vice- 
admiral Berkeley, who, though cut off from the line, 
funounded by his enemies, great numbers of his men 
killed, his fhip difabled and boarded on all fides, yet con- 
tinued fighting almoft alone, killed feveral with his own 
hand, and would accept of no quarter till, at length, be- 
ing {hot in the throat with a mufket-nall, he retired into 
the captain's cabin, where he was found dead, extended 
at his full length on the table, and almoft covered, with 
his own blood." The States-General paid every poflible 
refpect to the memory of fo gallant an adverfary ; by 
their order, his body was embalmed and depofited in the 
chapel of the Great Church at the Hague, having mean- 
time difpatched a fpecial meflenger to Charles II. to in- 
quire his pleafure concerning the final difpofal of the 
remains of fir William Berkeley. 


( 458 ) 


OUR firft information relative to Kolmes is, that he 
commanded the Bramble at the era of the Reftoration, 
Not long after that event, he was fuccefiively appointed 
to the Truelove and Henrietta. After being promoted 
to the Charles in 1661, Holmes was fent with a final! 
fcjuadron on the coaft of Africa, to chaftife the Dutch, 
who had poflefied themfelves of Cape Corfe caftle, and 
perpetrated various enormities, in oppofition to the exit- 
ing treaties, and in diredl violation of the common law 
of nations. He drove the enemy from their forts, and 
luccefsfully achieved the leading obje&s of his defigna- 
tion. Returning home, he was nominated to the com- 
mand of the Referve, and then to that of the Jerfey. 
Towards the clofe of January 1663, he arrived a fecond 
time on the African coaft, reduced Goree in a few 
hours, and proceeded from thence tc the attack of St. 
George del Mina. But he failed in that attempt ; 
though he afterwards fucceeded in the redu&ion of 
Cape Corfe caftle, and in reducing the ifland of New 
York, on the coaft of North America, whither he had 
failed from Africa. In 1665 he was appointed to the 
Revenge, and in j666 to the Defiance: on launching 
I the 


the Defiance, a new (hip of fixty-four guns, his majefty, 
who was prefent at the ceremony, conferred the honour 
of knighthood on her intended commander. Sir Robert, 
in the two great naval rights of 1666, difplayed fo high 
a degree of valour, as to be promoted to the rank of 
rear admiral of the red, and fent foon afterwards on a 
very important expedition againfl a large fleet of mer- 
chantment lying between the iflands of Ulie and 
Schelling*. He executed this commiffion with the 
higheft ability: the two men of war, and the greater part 
of the merchantmen, for ten or twelve only are ex- 
cepted, were burnt. Sir Robert immediately followed 
up his fuccefs, by landing his troops and deilroying the 
town of Bandaris. With the lofs of about twelve men, 
killed and wounded, he deftroyed of the enemy's pro- 
perty to the amount of twelve thoufand pounds, and 
carried off an immenfe booty. The gazette account of 
the affair muft not to be fupprefled. " On our fide 
(Gazette, No. 79) we can only obferve in it a wife 
and prudent counfel, feafonably taken, and moft 
vigoroufly executed ; the whole, by the blefling of 
God, attended with admirable fuccefs, without any 
confiderable lofs in the attempt ; the feveral officers and 
commanders on the occafion, bringing home a juft re- 
ward of glory and reputation, and the common feamen 
and foldiers their pockets well filled with ducats and 
other rich fpoil, which was found in great plenty." 
There is not any thing remarkable in the life of 

* The force allotted to Holmes was fire fourth rates, four fifth rates, 
five firefliips, and feven bomb ketches. The merchantmen amounted to 
one hundred and feventy fail, the fmalleft of which wai two hundred tons 
fcurden, and they were guarded by two men of war. 



fir Robert till 1672, when he was appointed commander 
of a fquadron deftined to intercept the Dutch Smyrna 
fleet: if we except his promotion to be governor of the 
Ifieof Wight, and the magnificent entertainment which 
he there gave to Charles II. and his court in the July 
of 1671. Holrnes having hoifted his flag on board the 
St. Michael, fell in with the Dutch convoy, confifting 
of feventy-two merchantmen, guarded by fix men of 
war, on the I3th of March. Though decidedly in- 
ferior in force, he hefitated not to attack the enemy 
on their refufmg to ftrike. It can excite no wonder 
that he barely repulfed the Dutch ; but on the following 
day, finding himfelf reinforced by a few frigates and 
fmaller vefTels, he renewed the conteft. Still combating 
with a fuperior foe. he was ftill far from attaining the 
completion of his wifhes ; yet, after a defperate action, 
the rear admiral of the enemy was captured, and the 
remainder of their fleet obliged to retire, with the lofs 
of four merchantmen. Succefs, however, would in all 
probability have been complete, had Holmes permitted 
Spragge to fhare in the toils and the honours of thefe 
attacks: the latter commander was in fight, and would 
have gladly concurred in the deftru&ion of the Dutch ; 
but, it feems, Holmes could bear no rival in glory. A 
fad difTenfion enfued between thofe great men ; . and 
owing, as it is thought, to cabinet cabals, Holmes was 
no further employed: both the time and place of his 
deceafe are uncertain*. 

* His brother, fir John Holmes, alfo fei ved in the navy whh confiderablt 



THE family of Allen was refident at Lowcftoffe in 
Suffolk ; and being uniformly and zealoufly loyal, 
Thomas Allen went over to the royal caufe with that 
portion of the fleet which, early in the civil wars, re- 
volted to the prince of Wales. On the completion of 
the Reftoration, Allen met with the recompence his 
conduct had fo eminently merited ; he was appointed 
by the duke of York to the command of the Dover 
on the 24th of June 1660. He afterwards experienced 
a fucceflion of beneficial appointments, till on the nth 
of Auguft, 1664, he was made commander in chief in 
the Mediterranean. Early in the enfuing fpring, being 
then on a cruife with his fquadron, off the mouth of the 
Straits, he fortunately fell in with the Dutch Smyrna 
fleet, confifting of forty fail, under convoy of four men 
of war. His own fqviadron comprifed eight or nine 
{hips; and having juft received the intelligence of war 
being declared againft Holland, he determined to attack 
the foe. The conteft was obftinate ; for the Dutch, as 
ufual, had drawn the ftouteft of their merchant fliips 
into the line; yet in the end, Brackel, the enemy's 
commodore, was killed, their line broken, feveral of their 



fhips were funk, four of the richeft taken, and the re- 
mainder blocked up in Cadiz. 

Allen returning to England, he was in June 1655 
made admiral of the blue, having befides a fpecial com- 
miflion to at as vice admiral of the fleet then under the 
earl of Sandwich, and receiving on the 24th of the fame 
month the honour of knighthood. In 1666 he was 
appointed admiral of the white, and hoifted his flag on 
board the Royal James. Being detatched to oppofe the 
French fleet, which wasfaid to be approaching, he could 
not (hare in the firft great adlions with the Dutch ; he, 
however, returned, with prince Rupert, juft in time to 
refcue the duke of Albemarle from the increafmg fupe- 
riority of his competitors. In the action of the 25th of 
July, when the rival fleets again met, fir Thomas Allen, 
continuing to command the van, or white fquadron, 
made a moft refolute attack on the Dutch admiral, 
Evertzen : the Friezland and Zealand fquadrons, of 
which Evertzen had the chief command, were totally 
defeated ; he, together with his vice and rear admiral, 
killed, and two large men of war deftroyed. This 
brilliant fuccefs over the Dutch was followed by tha 
capture of the Ruby, on the i8th of September, the 
neweft and fined (hip in the French navy; her com- 
mander, De la Roche, having miftaken fir Thomas's 
fquadron, which lay at this time off Dungenefs, for his 
own, furrendered almoft without refiftance. 

Sir Thomas Allen was much at fea during the years 
1667, 1668, and 1669. Atone time he cruifcd in the 
channel ; at another he was named to an expedition that 
was never carried into eflre6t ; in the beginning of 1668 
he was a fecond time fet to watch the motions of France 



5n the channel ; and towards the latter end of that year, 
and through the greater pan of 1669, he was employed 
in the Straits, and againft Algiers. From this fcrvice, 
t his own earneft requeft, he was recalled in 1670, and 
arrived accordingly at St. Helen's on the 3d of Novem- 
ber this year. On his return, he was appointed comp- 
troller of the navy, and retired to a feat which he had 
pyrchafed at Somerly. He was, notwithftanding, drawn 
from his retirement, in March 1678, on the probability 
of a war with France, and actually hoitted his flag on 
board the Royal James, as commander in chief of his 
majefty's fleet in the narrow feas; but, as the rupture 
proved merely rumour, he again 'retreated to Somerly. 
The time of his death, which took place in great 
privacy, and hpngurable retirement, is not pofitively 


( 4*4 ) 


OF this wife and brave officer we have no family ac- 
counts, and are therefore again compelled to lament the 
limited nature of biographical refources. He was ap- 
pointed to the Gloucefter of fifty-eight guns in 1664, 
and in the fpring of 1665 to the Royal Charles. He 
Shortly after received the honour of knighthood. 

Having fhifted his flag into the Henry, fir John Har- 
man was particularly diftinguifhed as leader of the van 
of the Englifh fleet in the long ftruggle between the 
duke of Albemarle and the Hollanders. He foon got 
into the centre of the Zealand fquadron, where being in 
afhort timedifabled, and grappled on the ilarboard quar- 
ter, he was indebted for his fafety to the wonderful fpirit 
of his lieutenant*. But on deftroying the Henry, the 


* As this officer has, through a very fingular and gallant exploit, ac- 
quired no trivial or tranfient fame, Come account of him in thii place mull 
be acceptable to the reader. The firrt notice that we find of this gentle- 
man, Mr. Thomas Lamming, is his appointment to a lieutenancy on board 
the Harpy Return in i 664 ; from that fhip he was transferred, in the fame 
ftation, to the Henry, in 1666. On board of this (hip fir John Harman 
had hoifted his flag as rear admiral of the blue. After fir John had for a 
confiderable t'me defended bimfelf againit nine of the ZealanJers, and 




Dutch now fent down a fecond fireftiip, who grappled 
her on the larboard, with much greater fuccefs than the 
. preceding affailant ; . for the fails inftantly taking fire, the 
crew were fo terrified, that near fifty of them jumped 
overboard. Things were now brought to that crifis 
wherein nothing ihort of the moft determined valour 
could avail to refcue the Englifli. Sir John Hirman, 
feeing the confuiion of his (hip, ran infbntly, with his 
fword drawn, among thole who yet remained on board, 
and threatened with immediate death the firlt who ihould 
attempt to quit the Henry, or who fhould not exert 
himfelf to quench the flames. The fire was in a little 
time got under, but the rigging being much burnt, one 
of the topfails fell and broke Harman's leg. At this 
moft critical moment a third firefhip prepared to grapple 
with him. Before j however, fhe could effect her de- 
fign, four (hot from the Henry 'slower deck guns funk 
her; and Evertzen, who began to lofe all patience him- 
felf, now bore up to fir John, and calling on him to fur- 
render, offered him quarter. Sir John boldly anfwered, 
" It was not come to that yet," immediately difcharging 
a broadiide, which killing Evertzen, fo intimidated the 

ki.led their vice admiral, Evertz, the Dutch thought it prudent fo change 
their mode of attack^ and attempt by their fire/hips the deftruclion of an 
enemy whom they could not cor.quir. Fiom the mifchievous effects of 
the firft of thefe, the Henry was preferved by the intrepidity of Lamming, 
who, to ufe John's words, < himfelf into the firefhip, and by the 
light of the fire found where the grappling irons were fixed in the firefliip, 
and having caft them loofe, fwang on board his own fii!p ?' in -" Thc 
cxercions of Lamming were, afccr the aftion, rewarded with the command 
of the Ruby. JJ.t whether from death, or his retirement from th'J 1'crvicc, 
his name does not again occur in the naval ar.nah of the couuti > . 

H h reft 


reft of the enemy, that they declined all pfofecution of 
the conteft. 

Shattered as was his {hip, and difabled as he felt him- 
felf, having refitted for a few hours at Harwich, no en- 
treaty could diffuade fir John Harman from failing out 
to {hare in the honour of the laft day's engagement. 
He, however, arrived not on the fcene of conflict till all 
was decided ; and when, under Rupert and Albemarle, 
he would have hurried again out to fea, thofe admirals 
abfolutely forbad him to purfue a determination, fo ge- 
nerous, but fo imprudent. 

In the month of March, 1667, fir John was fent on 
an expedition to the Weft Indies. He failed on this 
occafion in the Lion, a third rate, of fifty-eight guns, 
with permiffion to wear the union flag at his main-top 
as foon as he {hould be clear of the channel. He had 
under his command feven men of war, and two firefhips, 
arrived at Barbadoes early in June, and having joined to 
his fquadron four men of war, which he found in Car- 
lifle bay, proceeded from thence to Nevis. Arriving at 
Nevis on the I3th, he there learnt that the French fleet, 
confiding of twenty-four men of war, was then at 
anchor under Martinico. This information . he laid be- 
fore a council of war, upon vvhofe advice it was deter- 
mined to proceed immediately to attack the French. 
When Harman came in fight of the enemy, he perceived 
their fituation fuch as to preclude the poflibility of 
forcing them to engage; it was, owing to this circum- 
flance, the 2^th of the month ere Harman could efFecT: 
his purpofe. The wind being now favourable, his 
fuccefs became complete. Eight of the French fleet 
were foon on fire, many afterwards funk, and two or 
i three 


three only efcaped. There is a remarkable anecdote 
concerning fir John Harman in this action, which is 
related by Lediard, and has been copied from him by all 
fucceedirig hiftorians. Sir John was very lame at the 
time of the engagement, and violently afflicted with 
the gout; yet on bearing in for the enemy's fleet, 
he got up, walked about, and gave orders, as if in perfect 
health, till the fight was over, and then became as lame 
as ever he had been. 

The fervices of fir John Harman, though rather in- 
termitted, on one occaiion, by peace, and on another by 
ill health, were, after his fuccefs in the Weft Indies, of 
great worth to the country. He ma le a voyage to the 
Straits, under Allen, and, however deprefled by bodily in- 
firmities, conducted himfelf with the promptitude of 
better days, in the ftrenuous conflict off Solebay, and 
in the fecond action between prince Rupert and de 
Ruyter. After this, a peace enfuing, fir John Harman 
went into retirement : where, or when he died, is equally 

Hha SIR, 


THE fir ft mention that occurs of Penn is in 1648, 
:yhen he is diftinguifhed as rear admiral on the Iriih 
iration. He ferved afterwards againft Rupert, in the 
Straits, and greatly contributed, as vice admiral, to the 
victory obtained under Blake over the Dutch in 1652. 
Under Cromwell's administration Penn was held in 
high estimation. To him are we considerably indebted 
for that iignal defeat of Tromp, in the May of 1653, 
jnd tor the fuccefs of thofe acTions which were alfo 
fought againft the Dutch, in the fummer of the fame 
year. In 1654 a formidable fleet, deftincd to act upon 
the Spanish fettlements in the Weft Indies, was put 
under the conduct of Penn. Partly owing, however, 
to the difagreement of Penn 1 and Venables, as well as 
to other caufcs, this mighty project of the protectorate 
came to nothing. What were Penn's main faults in 
this tranfaflion is not determined; for deje6led in fpirits, 
and apprehenfive of Cromwell's refentment, he refigned 
his eommand, and returning to Europe, was, on his 
arrival, arrefted and committed to the Tower. Though 
he was foon after releafed from confinement, Penn 
enjoyed no further appointment during the reign of 

6 It 


It feems that Perm had long been known to the court 
as fmcerely attached to the caufe of royalty ; he was, 
therefore, on the re-eftablifhment of the throne, among 
the firft who experienced the king's favour : on the gth 
of June, 1660, Penn was knighted, ?nd appointed a com- 
mimoner of the admiralty and navy, with the falary of 
five hundred pounds per annum. The great maritime 
knowledge, and long practical experience of Penn, 
while they fully entitled him to thofe remunerations 
which the generofity of the crown had thought it juft 
to bellow, rendered him alfo of confiderable importance 
in the conduct of naval affairs after the Reftoration. 
Clarendon informs us, that, during the firlt Dutch \var, 
the duke of York, to whofe friendship Penn was par- 
ticularly indebted for preferment, daily confuhed with 
fir John Lawfon, fir George Ayfcough, and fir Wil- 
liam Penn. At the commencement of the war, fir 
William was appointed by his royal friend commander 
in chief in the downs ; and when the duke went himfelt" 
to fea in the following year, he was made captain of the 
fleet, with the rank of vice admiral. No ftronger proof 
than the duke's having thus in effect confided to him 
the direction of the fleet, can be given of that prince's 
attachment to Penn, who has fortunately efcaped th,e 
obloquy ^thrown on different characters, in conlequence 
of the fleet's fhortening fail after the action, inftead ot 
vigoroufly purfuing the Dutch to their own ports. 
Penn, quitting foon afterwards the active line of fcrvige, 
was appointed comptroller of the victualling accounts 
on the 1 6th of January 1666. He is fuppofcd to have 
lived a conlidcrable time after his retirement from pub- 
lic life: when and where he died are unknown. 

H b 3 SIR 

( 470 ) 


IN 1664 Reeves was made lieutenant of the Hen- 
rietta, and in the courfe of the fame year promoted to 
the command of the Mary Rofe. He was, in the en- 
fuing fpring, in the long alion between de Ruyter and 
Albemarle, commander of the Eflex, one of the (hips 
which, in the chance of war, became captured by the 
Dutch. Reeves received, towards the conclufion of an 
engagement, in which his valour had beeri eminently 
confpicuous, a mufket {hot a little below his right tem- 
ple, which, pafling diagonally, lodged in his throat on 
the left fide, and occafioned fuch an inward effufion of 
blood as deprived him of his fpeech. In this critical 
ftate, and when moft of his officers were wounded, and 
thofe remaining in command neceflitated to bring the 
jfhip upon the heel to flop fome (hot-holes which {he 
had received under water, the Bull, another Englifh 
man of war, nearly as much difabled as the Eflex, fell 
on board her. The Dutch, availing themfelves of this 
diflrefling conjuncture, boarded and took pofleflion of 
the Eflex *. 


* The Dutch accounts fay " We cannot but admire the courage 

of the Eugliih, particu.aily of captain Reeves, our prifoner, who, though 



Having recovered from his wounds, Reeves returned 
to England at the conclufion of the war, where he re- 
ceived the merited honours of knighthood immediately 
after his arrival. In May, 1673, *" ir William Reeves, 
then commanding the Henrietta, fo highly exerted him- 
felf in the adlion between the Dutch and Rupert as to 
draw forth the following particular commendation. 
" Among thofe who efpecially diftinguifhed themfelves 
in my fquadron (fays the prince) was fir William 
Reeves, who brought up a firemip and laid himfelf to 
leeward of Tromp ; and if the captain of the firemip 
had done his duty, Tromp had been certainly burnt." 
On the nth of Auguft, 1673, fir William again met 

much wounded, when he faw his vefiel muft inevitably fall into our hands, 
threw himfelf twice overboard to avoid being taken, but was recovered 
by our men." Extract of a letter from the H.igue, June zpth", 1666. 
Captain R^evs, in his account of the tranfj&ions, afiigns very different 
reafons for having attempted his own deltrucYion : " that they (the 
Dutch) led him to the deck, and, feeing him wounded, immediately 
ftripped him to his fkin ; that he was then conveyed to a Dutch boat, and 
brought on board a man of war, whofe captajn refufed to give him the 
afliftance of his furgeon, and in which (hip he was forced to lay feveral 
hours covered only with a rug : the next day he was fent to Fluihing 
without any care taken of him, or allowance made to him during the 
paflage." He certainly, in sonfequence of his ill-treatment, flung himfelf 
everlaard, but was again recovered by boat-hook*, and, notwithstanding 
his condition, put in irons. For the fpace of three days he received no 
fuftenance, till, at laft, being nearly periling, he was removed to a pro- 
voft's houfe, whers, by the care of the furgeM, he, contrary to all expec- 
tation, recovered, but ftill was kept almoft naked and in chains!" In 
mitigation, though by no means in extenuation, of this barba:ous ufage, 
it is reported that captain Reeves, when he had a little recovered him- 
felf, endeavoured, in conjunction with his gunner, to have blown up 
the Eflex. 

H h 4 the 


the Dutch, as commander of the Sovereign, a firft-rate 
of an hundred guns. And in this memorable conteft 
fell fir Wiljiam Reeves ? one of the ableft feamen 
and mod diftinguifhed patriots of an age barren neither 
in the higheft order of naval ability, nor in true pa~ 




'r : 


( 473 ) 


JAMES duke of York, afterwards, for a fliort time, 
James the fecond, as the brother of Charles II. and 
principal dire&or of our maritime affairs during the 
greater part of that monarch's reign, is too important a 
perfonage to be overlooked in the enumeration of 
Britifh admirals. 

Among the nrft acls of Charles II. after his reftora- 
tion to the throne, was that of declaring the duke of 
York, his brother, lord high admiral, on the 4th of 
June 1660. In this office the duke acquitted himfelf 
fo well, thai in 1665 he was received with pleafure as 
the commander of the Englifh fleet. Having hoifted 
his flag on board the Royal Charles, he put to fea on 
the 25th of April, with a force confirming of fourteen 
fail, befides rirefhips and fmaller veflels. Alter a fruit- 
lefs cruize on the hoftile coafts, the duke was compelled 
to return home. Opdam, the Dutch admiral, availed 
himfelf of this opportunity, and putting to fea, captured 
a homeward bound fleet from Hamburgh. Eager to 
revenge this lofs, James, having recruited, got alfo out 
to fea. The two fleets met on the third of June 1665. 

It was about three A. M. when the Englifli, getting 



the weather gage, both navies came to an engagement 
off Lovveftoff. At firft the conteft was Curtained with 
equal fuccefs ; but about noon, the earl of Sandwich, to 
whom we are highly indebted for the fortune of the 
day, fell into the center of the Dutch fleet, effected its 
divifion, and thereby began the confufion which ended 
in the defeat of Opdam. The duke of York in the 
Royal Charles, and Opdam in the Eendracht, were clofe- 
ly engaged for fome hours, during which theftrug r le 
was kept up with fingular obftinacy, feveral officers of 
the Royal Charles were killed, and the duke himfelf was 
repeatedly in the utmoft danger. At length, about one 
o'clock, the Dutch admiral blew up with a tremendous 
noife*. Once begun, the misfortunes of the enemy 
crowded fail upon them. Four fine Dutch (hips, and 
three large veflels, ran fucceflively foul of each other, 
and were burnt by a firefnip. Towards four P. M. all 
fell into diforder, fo that by eight o'clock Tromp, who 
perfevered to the laft, and fought retreating, had no more 
than thirty ihips remaining. The victory on the fide 
of the Englifii was fo decifive, that, if purfued, it muft 
have terminated the conteft with Holland. 

Much cenfure now fell upon the duke of York, rela- 
tive to his not having pufhed his advantages in the late 
adion ; nor could the excufes of his friends, who pleaded 

* Some fay, a fhot fell in the powder-room; others, that Opdam's 
black blew up the ftup to be revenged of his matter for beating him. 
The moft probable account is, that it was occafioned by fome careleflnefs 
in diftributing the powder. In this veflel, together with the admirI, pe- 
riflied five hundred men, only five of the whob crew efcaping; many of 
them volunteers, of the bift families in Holland, and not a few Frenchmen, 
who took this opportunity of being in a fea-fight. 



high winds from the fhore, and a want of firefhips, avail 
to exculpate him with the nation. i ill this diflike 
had evaporated; it was not thought prudent to entruft 
the duke with another naval command. He therefore 
engaged himfelf in the performance of civil duties, not 
choofing to appear at fea for fome time. 

On the commencement of the fecond Dutch war, 
the duke repaired once mote to the chief command of 
the fleet. He difplayed his ufual fpirit, engaging the 
great de Ruyter (hip to (hip. The St. Michael being 
reduced almoft to a wreck, the duke fhifted his flag on 
board the Loyal London; and, notwithftanding the trea- 
chery of the French, and fuperiority of the Dutch, he 
had again the fatisfa&ion of regaining the Engliflh ports 
in triumph. From the year 1673 to the death of his 
brother, the operation of the ten al effe&ually preclud- 
ed the duke of York from fulfilling a public truft. 

If the nature of his religious prejudices had in fome 
degree difgufted the people, there were, notwithftanding, 
circumftances which, on the other hand, tended to re- 
concile the public mind to the acceflion of the duke of 
York to the throne. He was a prince of good parts, very 
diligent, a great economift, of mature habits, perfe&ly 
acquainted with the naval affairs of the country, and well 
difpofed to promote the general interefts of his fubjecls. 
The commencement of his reign was alfo calculated to 
fupport the good opinion which fome had ventured to 
promulgate of his abilities and intentions : one of his firft 
fleps was directed to new model the management of the 
navy, and correct thofe abufcs which had infefted this 
department of the Hate, during the latter part of his 



brother's reign*. Yet all the'fe qualifications were 
ftrarigely invalidated, by the failings of this fovereign, 
and could not reconcile the people of England to fupef- 
ftitious rites or arbitrary proceedings ; fo that when the 
prince of Oratlge landed, James found but few friends, 
and numerous enemies. Indeed, fomething like infatua- 
tion attended him from almoft the dawn of his govern- 
ment to the hour of his compulfory abdication. 
Though the Englifh fleet was never in higher order 


* This commiffion, for the reformation of nsval concerns, was the 
wifelt adl of his whole reign, and anfwered very effectually all that 
was, or indeed could be expected of it. It was dated the I7th of April 
1686, and by it the comrr.ifiioners were directed to inquire, into, and 
remedy all the diforders that were then in the navy, to reflore it in every 
refpect to g-iod order, and from time to time to report the proceedings to 
his majeity and the privy council. The comrr.iffioners veiled with thtfe 
powers loft no time, but fell immediately on a diligent infpection into the 
ftate of the navy, &c. taking fuch meafures for the remedy of the mif- 
i-bief they difcovered, that the old fhips were perfectly repaired ; the 
new ones, where they wanted- it, altered and mended ; the yards properly 
fupplied with the ablcft workmen; all the ftorehoufes filled with what- 
ever was requifite, bought at the beil hand, and in all refpects the bcft of 
their kind ; the eftimates brought into proper order, and the whole eco- 
nomy of the navy reduced into fo clear a method, that it was impoflible 
any officer cou'd be ignorant of, cr iniftake in his diuy, the public f;rvice 
fuffer in any cf its various branches, or the king run any hazard of being 
cheated without an immediate difcovery of the offender. Having dcmon- 
irrat2d the jullice of their conduct, by leaving the navy much i,i> 
in perfect, aider, and with f;a-ftorcs valued at 400,000!. the commiffioners 
laid clown their p^fli, their commiffion being fup-.-rfcdeJ, with a juft ap- 
probation of their conduit, by letters under the great feal, October 12:11, 
i6feS. Tim , in liitl; more th;n two years time this gre/tt reform was 
iru'Je, ail the oriicefs of the na\y in general paid to a farthing, and a fay- 
ing made to toe public of 307,570!. 95. 4d. and ail for the inconfiJi-'- 1 ' le 
eaptrice of 6cc;l. p'.id to the new commiflioners. 



than when the firft intimation arrived of prince Wil- 
liam's defign, though, perhaps, none of his predeceffors 
in royalty knew better how to have directed the provi- 
dent ufe of fo powerful an inftrument as the navy of 
England, James feems to have wholly difmiffed his 
wonted circumfpection ; for he committed continual 
errors, , in his precautions againft the invader. His 
fhips were put under Strickland, who had juft ren- ' 
dered himfelf hateful to the feamen by his attempt 
to profelyte them to the Roman faith ; and when, at 
laft, this fquadron was ordered to the Downs, it was 
indifferently manned. After the landing of the prince 
of Orange, the conduct of James was not lefs enigmati- 
cal, nor lefs remote from prudence and good fenfe. He 
made no ufe of his fleet, now under the earl of Dart- 
mouth, an able, intelligent, and loyal peer; nor did he 
even requeft the afliftance of the French, who might have 
joined him with a fquadron. But thefe things were 
neglected, or overlooked, by James II. who abdicated 
his kingdom without making one real effort to retain it. 

White this comroifiion fubfifted, the king ifi'ued new inftruiior. 
officers commanding his ihips of war: thefc are dated July i;th, loL-U 
and are extremely well calculated for promoting the public fVrvics, fecur- 
ing difcipline, and preferving proper memorials of every man's particular 
merit, by obliging all captains and fuperior officers to depofit a perfect copy 
of their journals with the fecretary of the admiralty. 

Very juftly is it, therefore, acknowledged, that to the extraordinary 
attention and zeal of James II. we are indebted for that fleet which was 
afterwards fo gbrioufly and fuccefsfully cmpl-iyed in checking the ambi- 
tious project? of Louis XIV. a fleet which, though it rendered fo Jittts 
f-rvice to the caufe of its founder, confifted, at the timi of his abdi- 
cation, of no lefs than a hundred and feventy-thrce fail, a:i hundred of 
which were fourth-rates and upwards. 


The reigns, or, more properly, the adminiftrations of 
the two brothers, Charles and Junes, bear a fatal refem- 
blance to each other. Both thefe princes were inclined, 
if not attached, to a religion peculiarly ungrateful to 
their people, as it was in direct contradiction to that 
mode of belief upon which the very bafis of their autho- 
rity refted: both were but too evidently aiming to con- 
tract the liberty of the fubjecl: ; if not abfolutely to re- 
ftore the original power of the crown, they were each 
almoft uniformly tinctured with a prediledVion for fo- 
reign habits and foreign notions ; each the dupe of 
Gallic friendfhip and intrigue. 


T. BEKSLEY, Printer. Bolt Court, Fleet Street, London.